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Humanitarian assistance: Breaking the waves of complex political emergencies. A literature survey CDR Working Paper 99.5, August 1999
Contents Abstract 1 1. Introduction 1
2. The Humanitarian Terminologies 4 Part 1: Situating Complex Political Emergencies Within a Global Context 7 1. The Contemporary Global Context 7 2. Causes and Nature of Complex Political Emergencies 8 3. The New Humanitarian Era and the New Aid Paradigm 11 4. Sovereignty and the Legitimation of Humanitarian Intervention 12
5. Containing Security Risks: Humanitarian Interventions 15
Part 2: The Negative Effects of Humanitarian Action and the Crisis of Values 23 1. Approaching the Negative Effects of Humanitarian Assistance Interventions 24 2. Humanitarian Positioning 26
3. Mercy vs. Justice: Humanitarian vs. Human Rights Priorities 32 4. About Linking Relief to Development 33
5. Operational Issues: Principles of Humanitarian Practice 40 6. Conclusion: Breaking the Waves? 41 Part 3 43 1. Introduction to the Bibliography 43 2. Criteria for Selection 43 3. Links to the Humanitarian Network 44
4. Thematic Bibliography 47
5. Alphabetic Bibliography 82
Conflict-precipitated human disaster has been a significant worldwide feature during the last decade, from 1989 to 1999. As complex political emergencies (which such politically caused disasters have been termed) proliferated, so did humanitarian assistance to alleviate human suffering and interventions to stop the conflicts. The different experiences of what can be termed humanitarian assistance interventions have sometimes been successful, at other times mixed, and in some cases even disastrous. The literature about these humanitarian assistance interventions to complex political emergencies has burgeoned in the recent years. This literature survey is an attempt to discern the main issues of the debates found in this literature. The debates cover several themes from the causes of complex political emergencies, to the implications of humanitarian assistance interventions and the global context within which they unfold. Out of the examined literature this study focuses on certain selected themes and issues in order to outline the current debate, thus priority has been given to issues found in the literature published in 1997 and 1998. The themes are addressed in two parts. First part which attempts to situate complex political emergencies in the contemporary global context. This part raises the "big questions," which humanitarian assistance interventions in sovereign states on behalf of an international community give rise to, as well as the related technical problems of "containing security risks". The second part discusses the moral aspects of the negative effects of humanitarian action as well as the special questions which the efforts at linking relief to development raises. In addition to the descriptions of the selected themes, a comprehensive bibliography is attached in the third part of the survey. This bibliography is firstly structured in themes corresponding to the selected issues and secondly in alphabetical order. The key conclusions are that this debate, as often is the case with
literature concerning the third world, is dominated by especially the in
English language written Western perspectives. Acknowledging that
humanitarian assistance and interventions are not always solutions to the
crises, much of the current literature is mainly preoccupied with
pragmatic and palliative approaches to complex political emergencies. The
ambition seems to be to find ways of breaking the waves of complex
political emergencies rather than addressing their root causes. This
criticism is however strongly present in some of the reviewed literature. 1. IntroductionThe experiences of intervening in complex conflicts which are combined with serious humanitarian emergencies, be it with relief aid or military intervention, has not always been successful. The first half of the 1990s left the humanitarian community with several serious moral hangovers. Inspired by the title of the film by the Danish film director Lars von Trier, the attempts to address the humanitarian disasters of complex political emergencies (CPEs) may metaphorically be described as efforts at breaking the impact of the continuing waves of violence! Similarly, the ongoing debates discuss the practical difficulties and moral dilemmas of "breaking the waves" of CPEs. This literature survey attempts to discern the main themes and issues in the current and burgeoning debates on how to break these waves. To this end, this survey examines the literature on certain selected themes and issues in order to outline the current debate on humanitarian assistance in CPEs. Priority has been given to issues still being debated, that means literature published in 1997/1998 and which seems to attract further discussions. Today, the debates about humanitarian assistance interventions (HAI) in what is called complex political emergencies (CPEs), both the popular and academic ones, cover several themes from the causes of CPEs, the implications of HAI to the global context within which they unfold and the corresponding international humanitarian actions. Furthermore, as the survey covers mainly the academic literature published in 1997 and 1998, it can be read as a complimentary study to the "state of the art" report about humanitarian assistance in conflict submitted by the Norwegian Christian Michelsens Institute in 1998 (Hybertsen et al. 1998). That study gives a very good account of the debates and main schools of thought concerning humanitarian assistance interventions found in the literature published until 1997. To the second part of the survey, a comprehensive, but alas not exhaustive, bibliography of the literature on humanitarian assistance from the latter part of the 1990s is attached. This bibliography is structured thematically so it may be a useful tool for academics as well as practitioners. Furthermore, links to relevant resources such as research institutions, humanitarian agencies and governments are attached to the internet version of this study. It should be stated that the views found in this literature survey reflects an unfortunate character of the debate (so far), namely that it is predominantly Western. Furthermore, this Western debate is dominated by the Anglo-Saxon discourse of English and North-American authors. Hugo Slim (1998) notes that "by far the most deafening part of humanitarian discourse is still that part of the conversation, voiced by the international (and largely Western) humanitarian system in discussion with itself". More important, however, is the almost complete lack of the perceptions of the various local actors in complex emergencies in humanitarian action. Issues problematised in the current debate, which are identified as discussions taken up in books and academic articles, published mainly in 1998 and 1997 (in selection), are included in the chosen themes and issues. References to other issues not treated in this survey, but which have been debated thoroughly and in depth in academic analyses, can be found in the thematically organized bibliography. The criteria for selection is described in Part 3. Finally, it should be remarked that there is a rather confusing use of
terms in this debate. For instance the term "assistance" sometimes may be
understood as different from "intervention" and other times synonymously.
In an effort to reduce this confusion, some clarification of terminologies
is undertaken in the section "Clarification of terminologies" below. 1.1 Discerning the Main Themes and IssuesThere is a general consensus that the international system has changed substantially from 1990 and onwards. As a result, the character of international relations, civil war dynamics, and the framework for humanitarian action have changed (Weiss 1998, Slim 1998, Harriss 1995 and Mayall 1996). As international relations no longer are dominated by the overlays of Cold War dynamics, the character of internal conflicts and civil wars have changed accordingly. Thus, politically caused emergencies are no more internationalised as proxy wars between the two superpower blocs, but are gaining their own specific character. Accordingly, the nature of humanitarian action in response to such crises has changed too. Thus, the post-Cold War world provided a new framework for intervention in intrastate conflicts (Mayall 1996). A significant feature of this new framework was the new humanitarian imperative to save the victims of the so-called complex emergencies, formed by a new consensus within the United Nations. This "new room" for manoeuvre by the "humanitarian international community," was primarily exercised within the auspices of the United Nations Security Council. However, International NGOs (INGOs) have also gained an increasingly important role as agents for the international community's humanitarian concerns (Slim 1998). The result has been an internationalisation of civil wars by the events of humanitarian assistance and military intervention on the behalf of the international community. The failures, mixed experiences, and disputed legitimacy of these interventions, notably in Iraq, Bosnia, Somalia and Rwanda, attracted immense public attention and prompted a long array of questions within the public and academic debates. This comprehensive interest for HAI has, in the last five years, been reflected in a rather varied and extensive number of articles and books (Nederveen Pieterse 1998). To understand this debate is not an easy task, not only by virtue of the amount of publications, but very much because of the complex interconnectedness of relevant issues from the operational level, moral and ethical values to the application of different theories of international relations. For some recent overviews of the debates Jan Nederveen Pieterse's Introduction to "World Orders in the Making" (1998) and Hugo Slim's "International Humanitarianism's Engagement with Civil War in the 1990s: A Glance at Evolving Practice and Theory"(1998) can be recommended. Adam Roberts' (1996) book, "Humanitarian Action in War: Aid, Protection and Impartiality in a Policy Vacuum" provides a good introduction to both the background of the current debate about humanitarian action in CPEs and the current issues of the debate. By guiding the reader through the main issues of providing humanitarian assistance and protection in the new international environment after the Cold War, Roberts provides an introduction to definitions of humanitarian intervention and to the debates about humanitarian intervention versus non-intervention, sovereignty, authorisation and legitimacy of intervention, and international political interests. Furthermore, the concept of humanitarian intervention is problematised. Thus, the complexity of humanitarian intervention and the various forms of humanitarian action are discussed and the key issues of providing relief are presented. Finally, Joanna Macrae (1996) in her background paper "The Origins of Unease: Setting the Context for the Current Ethical Debate"outlines the moral and ethical issues which the negative experiences of humanitarian interventions have raised. These four texts are informing the choices of main cross-cutting themes
and issues of the contemporary debate on humanitarian assistance in CPEs
which is presented in this survey. The presentation of the main issues
presented in PART 1 and 2 departs from the more general themes towards
specific operational issues. The issues are very much inter-connected, and
thus illustrative of the complex relationship of humanitarian assistance
to humanitarian emergencies which primarily are caused by political
factors. 2. The Humanitarian TerminologiesA note on the terminologies used in the debate seems appropriate as the terms humanitarian- assistance, intervention and action are sometimes used synonymously and sometimes as very distinct categories depending on the context and relating to relief and military operations, respectively. Also, the terminology on humanitarian disasters and conflict is very confusing since the terms humanitarian emergency, complex emergency, complex political emergency, internal conflict, civil war and disasters etc. likewise may sometimes be used synonymously but at other times as very different concepts. Pieterse, for instance, makes distinctions between humanitarian action and humanitarian intervention, where the words action, assistance and relief are synonymous, while intervention implies the coercive use of force. On the other hand some may see humanitarian action as an intervention in itself. Lately, the concept of complex political emergencies, CPEs, has really caught on, and is increasingly being framed as a study-object (see TWQ, Vol.20, No.1, 1999). The same phenomena are often also termed complex emergencies or just humanitarian emergencies. The latter is also sometimes termed complex humanitarian emergencies, whereby the implicit political element in such emergencies is not being pointed out explicitly (Nafziger 1996). However, defining the concept of complex political emergencies is still a process in the making. Jenny Pearce (1999) thus discusses the relevance of applying the definitions of CPE to the Central American Context. Pearce generally defines a CPE as a multidimensional crisis with profound human suffering. The roots of upheaval in CPEs are most often political, complicated by drought, other disasters, state collapse or of states being strongly contested (Pearce 1999). The concept of CPE can also be seen as a "heuristic device", as Cliffe and Luckham does, which groups very distinct situations of human suffering and armed conflict that, however, has a political context as a common denominator in which the state is either collapsed, contested or seriously weakened (Cliffe and Luckham 1999). It is important to note that CPEs also can occur where the state remains as a living and functioning institution (Cliffe and Luckham 1999). Complex political emergencies are thus often protracted and conflict-related political crises, usually involving large-scale population displacement, non-natural death and social disruption (Duffield 1998a). Humanitarian disasters on the other hand refer to catastrophes which are directly caused by a natural phenomenon such as a volcanic eruption, a hurricane etc. These are by the UN called "natural disasters". See for instance the website of the United Nations Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA): http://www.reliefweb.int/. However, observers increasingly find that natural disasters also are political, due to the social unevenness of the ones worst affected by such disasters and by virtue of the diverse political interests in rebuilding after the disaster (Middleton and O'Keefe 1998). Humanitarian assistance most often refers to the kind of aid that is provided in an emergency, until it is withdrawn or until it has been replaced by development aid (Pedersen 1997). Humanitarian relief and humanitarian aid are often used synonymously with humanitarian assistance. Previously the most common terms used were emergency relief and relief aid. However, it seems that the term humanitarian assistance is increasingly being used (humanitarian assistance has only very recently been included in the thesaurus used by libraries), covering both emergency relief and relief aid, but may often be used in a slightly broader way. A definition of humanitarian assistance implies the immediate response to people in an emergency, involving provision of food and other commodities intended to be life-saving, and the protection required by people fleeing from complex emergencies. Thus, the core of traditional humanitarian assistance is the relief aid provided to people in acute need of basic resources such as food, clean water, shelter, sanitation and medical care. To an agency like the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), delivering humanitarian assistance also covers the provision of both material needs and the protection of refugees and internally displaced persons. The tasks of these two dimensions of assistance are usually interconnected. The concept about humanitarian assistance has, however, become increasingly blurred as humanitarian agencies link relief to the domain of development aid, and by developmental agencies entering the domain of humanitarian assistance. This occurs especially in protracted CPEs. Defining the "grey zone" between the conflict situation and the post-conflict situation is not clear as yet. The event of humanitarian intervention has also confused the concept about humanitarian assistance. Usually the concept humanitarian intervention refers to actions undertaken by the international community within the territory of a given state in order to protect and defend human rights of the population in cases of massive violations (Parekh 1998). Humanitarian military intervention refers to the situations where military forces are applied to achieve such protection, whereas humanitarian intervention also covers the political and diplomatic aspect of humanitarian intervention. However, humanitarian assistance has increasingly during the 1990's been associated with military protection as humanitarian assistance has come under physical attack during CPEs. Thus, the term humanitarian intervention may be obscured by having two dimensions. The first is the protection of both humanitarian assistance deliveries and the victims of conflict, the second is the deliverance of humanitarian assistance. In this survey the term humanitarian assistance interventions, (HAIs) is used to cover both aspects, as humanitarian assistance can be an intervention in itself, and most often requires a measure of security and protection in CPEs. Similarly the concept of humanitarian action covers both the actions of humanitarian and protective interventions. The term "humanitarian community" refers to the international humanitarian agencies, i.e. organizations of the United Nations, international Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) as well as regional military organizations and donor governments. Humanitarian agencies comprise both the international UN-organisations and the international non-governmental organisations involved in humanitarian assistance provision. Humanitarian community should not be confused with the often used, but rather unclear concept of the international community.
Part 1: Situating Complex Political Emergencies Within a Global ContextThis part of the survey departs from literature about humanitarian assistance interventions (HAI) which discusses issues and trends related to the so-called globalization phenomena and the most recent trends in international relations. Thus, the first section takes up the literature which describes how globalization forms the contemporary context within which HAIs unfold, and at the same time is seen as an external causal factor for the specific problems facing HAIs. These approaches are thus discussing the new frameworks for both HAI and the causes and nature of complex emergencies, while placing them into the context of globalization. Section two describes the perspectives which increasingly are focusing on the nature of contemporary civil wars and how modern internal strife characterizes CPEs (Holsti 1997). The third section looks at the perspectives on contemporary humanitarian assistance interventions which, in the recent literature, frames complex political emergencies (CPEs) as specific study-objects whose causes and dynamics are seen as closely related to the global political and economic trends termed the "new humanitarian era" (Slim 1998, Väyrynen 1996) and the "new aid paradigm" (Duffield 1997). Section four looks upon the perceived erosion of the concept of state sovereignty in an increasingly globalized world and how that pose a major challenge for interventions of all kinds (Pieterse 1998), not at least for legitimizing HAIs (Mills 1997). Humanitarian military intervention poses a particular difficulty for the concept of state sovereignty (Parekh 1998). But, the increased use of task-sharing, sub-contracting, and the so-called privatisation of welfare services, is also contributing to the blurred concept of state sovereignty (Weiss 1998). This is stressed by the fact that international NGOs take on tasks which usually are the domains of central and local governments, and do so on behalf of the donor-governments (Duffield 1998). Global trends are often described with increasing global
interdependence, regional entrenchment and marginalization outside the
centre regions, and are often reflected in approaches which focus on how
to manage the risks of this development (Duffield 1998). The latter
approaches are introduced under section five under the title "containment
of security risks" (Nederveen Pieterse 1998, Stockton 1996). 1. The Contemporary Global ContextSince 1990, numerous articles and books about humanitarian assistance interventions take a point of departure which includes a reference to the end of the Cold War, changing world order(s), or to the absence of 'systemic competition' and the prospects of creating a new world order. That international relations are changing is evident, but that a new clear world order is emerging, is much less evident. Nederveen Pieterse (1998:1) sums up the process as one with a "...changing global architecture, including the architecture of states, the nature of politics, the role of armies and the meaning of sovereignty. Furthermore, different social forces are involved...NGOs and the 'informalization' of politics introduce different ethics, different practices and organizational cultures." Humanitarian assistance intervention (HAI) is at the apex of these changing international relations and, in the words of Nederveen Pieterse (1998:1): "confronts us with the dilemmas of international relations in the age of globalization." This is not just because international humanitarian action in CPEs seems to be overridden by the humanitarian consequences at stake, but as much because it cuts across issues, disciplines, discourses, borders etc. reflecting the global changes in one single phenomena. According to Nederveen Pieterse (1998:2): "It involves states and therefore international law and international relations, security and hence military apparatuses, relief and development and therefore development studies and NGOs, human emergencies and thus disaster management, conflict and thus conflict resolution, local politics and therefore political economy, anthropology and indigenous knowledge, the media and therefore media studies." The problems of international humanitarian assistance in the context of current international relations are well illustrated by Joel Boutrue's who explores the political dynamics that characterized the role of the international community in the Eastern Zairean/Rwandan refugee crisis from July 1994 to the end of 1996 (Boutrue 1998). He shows how difficult it is for humanitarian agencies to act under the conditions determined by the political actors of the international community. There is a general agreement in the literature that the contemporary dynamics of delivering humanitarian assistance to war zones in the post-Cold War era reflect the global trends of this period. The globalization and polarization of world economies, changes in international relations as well as in local political relations are all affecting humanitarian assistance interventions. With this development, three main trends featuring in the international responses are evident (Weiss 1998): First, there is evidence of growing international willingness to address humanitarian emergencies within the borders of states affected by violent internal conflict. Second, there is an enormous increase in the demand of UN-military peacekeeping operations. Finally, there is the trend of increased task-sharing of military operations between UN and regional organizations, like NATO in the case of Bosnia and ECOWAS in Liberia, and of sub-contracting humanitarian delivery services to international NGOs. The interpretations of the new humanitarian era in a globalizing world do, however, vary. Hugo Slim gives a good account of the span of theories about the "new humanitarianism" (1998). At one end of the span the optimistic views about the opportunities of the new international humanitarianism are found (Keegan 1993). At the other end the more pessimistic views are found which focus on what they see as a cynical abuse of humanitarianism by both donor powers and local belligerents, albeit with different motives (African Rights 1994, Maren 1997). Between these views the interpretation of the international community's new concern with humanitarianism can be found (Slim1998, Harriss 1995).
2. Causes and Nature of Complex Political EmergenciesThe fact that the great majority of armed conflicts now are internal, reflects a major structural change in global politics. In an era of "de-territorialization" of economic activities, territorial gains are no longer as important to states. War between major powers seems no longer to be viable, partly due to technological change, which at the same time brings a hitherto unprecedented powerful weaponry into the hands of warlords and militias (Pieterse 1998). This, along with the new so-called 'wars of a third kind,' has contributed to the changed political and security landscape of today (Holsti 1996, Snow 1996). Internal conflicts are explained by various factors reflecting different perspectives of thought. Understanding internal armed conflicts with the capacity of turning into CPEs probably requires elements from several different perspectives. In one perspective, conflicts in the Third World are often seen as resource or niche conflicts being fought along identity lines. Robert Kaplan (1994) refers to such conflicts in the article "The Coming Anarchy" which is based on a Malthusian logic of population and resource pressures leading to famines and reappearance of tribal hatreds. This somewhat simplistic view is also called the "new barbarism" thesis because of its dualism of tradition versus modernity and barbarism versus civilization. A different perspective takes on an economic deterministic position where violent conflicts along communal lines are seen as the ultimate result of an increasingly globalized and asymmetric market economy (Middleton and O'Keefe 1998). Certainly, the relationship between economic change and conflict is complex. Specific political forces are central to such relationships by their reactions towards certain socio-economic conditions, which lead to the adoption of strategies of survival and change, and with a return effect on the political, social and economic relations. Accordingly, Jean and Rufin (1996) use economic analysis to explain the dynamics of internal conflicts by analysing how internal conflicts are financed (1996). They argue that as a result of decreasing foreign financial and military support, belligerents have to derive their assets primarily from local sources. Thus, fierce fighting will take place around strategic areas as opposing groups try to secure territorial control and trading routes. Furthermore, such intensified internal struggles between belligerents in conflict often leads to increased fragmentation of armed groups, thus complicating things even more. Though, not dismissive towards these perspectives, the dominating literature about CPEs focuses on the political factors of conflict, which mediate social forces, and who creates the strategies of survival, power and enrichment that are employed by the belligerents, ie. militant groups (Richards 1996). Thus, in this perspective, the former "large-scale violent conflicts" in the era of "wars" have changed in nature and developed into the present CPEs (Goodhand and Hulme 1999). For instance, William Reno (1998) shows how "warlord politics" evolves in the context of weak or collapsed states in Africa. Warlord politics, which is not necessarily confined to Africa, is described not as a retreat to traditional African politics, but as one of modern Africa's adaptation strategies to the globalization phenomenon. Thus the combination of economic crisis, informal politics, neo-patrimonialism and weak states has, especially in Africa, led to the instrumentalization of political disorder and social disruption (Chabal and Daloz 1998). Under such circumstances, with weak or strongly contested states, warlord politics appear in the vacuum of legitimate political hegemony. Warlord politics sets aside all conventional norms of internationally agreed behaviour, and may deliberately target civilian populations if it is found opportune to do so, and that doing so will promote their strategies (Reno 1998, Snow 1996). The perception of complex emergencies in which political relations are essential is shared by Kalevi J. Holsti (1997) to whom CPEs occur in countries with more than two distinct ethnic, linguistic, and/or religious communities which recently acquired independence (after 1945); exclusion and often persecution of distinct social groups by governments; rule by kleptocrats or entrenched minorities; and weak government legitimacy. Holsti (1996b) argues that in most cases CPEs are caused by the failure of states, including the inability of states to manage relations between communities within their territorial jurisdiction. The essential source of CPEs is accordingly state weakness caused by the lack of political legitimacy. CPEs are thus often associated with weak or collapsed states. According to Zartman (1995), the concept of collapsed states refers to a situation where the legitimate power, structure, law and order of a state have fallen apart and must be rebuilt from the ground. The phenomenon of collapsed states is also often linked with the trends of globalization in the international system (Sørensen 1997a, Holm 1997 and Clapham 1996). In that perspective, state collapse is explained by the failure of states to fulfill the norms and expectations of the international system about being modern, efficient and democratic states (Holm 1997). However, state collapse may occur when the legitimacies of incumbent holders of state power are so strongly disputed, that internal and external challenges against the regime may lead to the disintegration of the state itself. As a result, complicated political relations among the remnants of the disintegrated state and non-state actors appear in the power vacuum left by the collapsed state. Thus, CPEs are often caused by or coincide with weak or collapsing states (Reno 1998, Clapham 1996, Zartman 1995 and Holsti 1997). Therefore, in cases where CPEs are rooted in prior state collapse the international community faces a new kind of challenge, and humanitarian assistance have to deal with fractured, ineffective or non-existent state institutions (Cliffe and Luckham 1999). On order to analyse different CPEs, Cliffe and Luckham (1999) attempt to set up a framework for comparing the various dimensions of diverse CPEs. Their framework includes typologies of states and state collapse, participants and effects on CPEs. Also, generalisable categorisations are derived showing the outcomes of CPEs in terms of state reconstitution. Since natural disasters today are seen also as complex socio-ecological phenomena with multiple causes, it is necessary to distinguish further between the two concepts. Thus, to Mark Duffield (1994), CPEs are essentially political in nature, while natural disasters are directly caused by a natural phenomena. CPEs are protracted political crises, resulting from the sectarian and predatory indigenous responses to socio-economic stress and marginalization. CPEs are characterized by the combination of multiple causes like famine, disputed sovereignty, civil and ethnic conflict, displacement of people, breakdown of government and public security and are often affected by a surge in economic criminality and predatory behaviour. In such an environment of extreme scarcity, humanitarian aid represents another substantial resource that consequently becomes subject to attack, which also increasingly has happened in recent years. Furthermore, when humanitarian assistance is delivered massively to CPEs, as was the case in the 1980s and 1990s, it often gets involved with the deep political economy of violence in such conflicts. Often humanitarian agencies need to deal in with warlords and risk to become part of the local political economy with the effect of prolonging the conflicts (de Waal 1997, African Rights 1997, Maren 1997, Middleton and O'Keefe 1998, Cliffe and Luckham 1999). Cliffe and Luckham, however, rightly emphasises that state collapse is not a precondition for a CPE situation. CPEs can occur where the state remains (Cliffe and Luckham 1999). Concludingly, more knowledge about the political dynamics of CPEs is
increasingly being recognised as being crucial for developing relevant
strategies of humanitarian assistance intervention and guidelines for the
conduct of relief operations (Cremer 1998). Research into the dynamics of
internal conflicts and CPEs, and their economic, political and
international dimensions is still ongoing, and needed (Cliffe and Luckham
1999). Especially the latter element is important, as internal conflict
leading to CPEs seldom are entirely internal. Most often there are very
strong external interests in the conflicts themselves as well as in for
some private groups in utilising the chaotic environment of conflict for
profit. The repercussions of CPEs are first regional, but also very
international as refugees flow out, and because of the international
commitments to help people suffering. This complex leads to the notions in
the next section of the "humanitarian era" of the 1990's. 3. The New Humanitarian Era and the New Aid ParadigmDeparting from a particular understanding of globalization and its impact at the sub-state, state, and international levels, Mark Duffield argues for a certain understanding of violent conflicts (see section 2 above), which determine the nature of CPEs and the international responses to them (Duffield 1997, 1998b and 1998c). According to his view, the trends within international humanitarian assistance during the last decade, can be seen as a projection of how the Western world-system addresses its own social problems in the 1980's and 1990's (Duffield 1998a). These trends are characterised by Western attempts at containing the effects of poverty and social exclusion in the marginalised parts of the world rather than addressing their causes. The efforts to contain the effects of poverty, exclusion and marginalisation in the Western world are thus increasingly carried out by privatising social welfare work (Jessop 1994). This is in the international relief system reflected by the increased use of subcontracting private and non-governmental organisations (Duffield 1997). The same trend can be found on all levels, from the international, where the UN may "sub-contract" NATO, as in Bosnia, for the purpose of carrying out military humanitarian interventions, and down through the levels of governments sub-contracting NGOs to NGO and UN humanitarian agencies themselves sub-contracting local NGOs, local traders for service provisions, or militias for security provisions. These trends along with the so-called "continuum thinking", that is the idea of linking relief together with development aid as a continuum from emergency over rehabilitation to rebuilding, has caught on and seems to form the kernel of the new aid paradigm which has developed in this new humanitarian era of today (Duffield 1997:529). The theories about the new aid paradigm are interesting because of their efforts to connect the main global and local trends in CPEs with the trends within humanitarian assistance, development aid and the new post-Cold War security issues. Thus, the new aid paradigm combines the trends of globalization, the renewed international humanitarianism and the causes of CPEs with humanitarian relief, development aid and security measures. Hugo Slim (1998) summarizes Duffield's argument like this: "the violent condition of states characterised as CPEs is not that of a sick state in need of healing and capable of recovery, but that of a transforming society, adapting to marginalisation and impoverishment in innovative, but exceedingly brutal non-state ways. These societies, for whom classical notions of borders and government are increasingly irrelevant, are therefore transitioning fast but not towards liberal democracy." (See section 2 above about the phenomenon of state failure in an international system characterized by an eroding concept of sovereignty). In such a scenario, humanitarian assistance will be identified with certain ideas of state repair and the cultivation of a pluralistic civil society. Duffield then argues that humanitarian assistance, increasingly framed as developmental relief, has become a central element in the transition-based idea of development, which may be narrowed down to a project of transition into liberal democracy. Similar views can be found in the books by Neil Middleton and Phil O'Keefe (Disaster and Development - The Politics of Humanitarian Aid 1998) and Alex de Waal (Famine Crimes - Politics and the Disaster Relief Industry in Africa 1997), who all point out that the liberal democratic powers have not realised that the wars and violence in these same societies are in fact a reflection of the asymmetric processes of the current globalization, where such states are becoming something very different from conventional states. In other words, the above views see the contemporary humanitarian
responses to CPEs as a symptomatic reflection of the international
relationship between the center-regions and the marginalised parts of the
world (Duffield 1998). Thus, to Mark Duffield (1997), humanitarian
assistance has become co-opted by a liberal democracy project which seeks
to apply it to the increasingly marginalised and rapidly changing
political societies in the hope that it will help them becoming liberal
democratic states. That there always is a dualistic element of both
humanitarian impulse and political self-interest in HAIs, and therefore a
possibility of incorporating other agendas than the strict humanitarian,
is shown historically by Eric Belgrad (1997). 4. Sovereignty and the Legitimation of Humanitarian InterventionContemporary global politics seems to be in a process of fundamental transition. Central to this process are the issues concerning state sovereignty versus humanitarian intervention. Also, the question of securing respect for human rights has become a crucial aspect of humanitarian assistance today (Stremlau 1998, Olonisakin and Aning 1999). The closely related issue of legitimizing humanitarian intervention, which runs into the broader category of civil humanitarian assistance, and how this can be perceived as legitimate by the local populations and authorities which it is targeting, is being increasingly recognised (Parekh 1998, Götze 1998). If the emergence of an international humanitarian imperative (the moral
obligation to prevent genocide, famine and systematic violations of human
rights during civil conflicts) is a real characteristic of the
international society of today, then a development of new legal
instruments which makes action possible is required in order to prevent
that existing international rules and norms are overruled. Such a change
is already in the making with the amendments and reinterpretations of the
UN-charter's chapters VI and VII (Nederveen Pieterse 1998, Harriss 1995,
Ramsbotham and Woodhouse 1996) which followed the interventions in Iraq,
Somalia and Bosnia. Much of the debate on humanitarian action focus on the
perceived erosion of state sovereignty. Central to this debate is the
overruling of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of
sovereign member states by the international community of the United
Nations in the event of a humanitarian intervention. The main question
that arises is: How can humanitarian action be legitimized? This question
involves numerous issues of which the following seem to be the main
perspectives taken up in the current debate. 4.1 Sovereignty and Humanitarian InterventionsThe discussion is about the changing understanding of sovereignty which is seen as a necessary precondition for early responses towards humanitarian emergencies. It is argued that international relations today are in a transitionary phase of a changing sovereignty concept, in which the emphasis is shifting from state security towards human security. The movement is towards a people- rather than a state-centred approach to sovereignty. This means that security for people must be given primacy to the security of states. (Nederveen Pieterse 1998). But, also the rights of conflicting groups of people must be taken into consideration (Stremlau 1998). This leads to the challenges of legitimizing humanitarian action in legal terms (Mills 1997). In this debate it is necessary to distinguish between purely humanitarian assistance and political-military interventions which also have peace-making aims. Political-military interventions mainly invoke the international right to intervene in internal conflicts, whereby the pre-Cold War concept of state sovereignty is undermined by the overruling of the non-interference principle. Humanitarian assistance, however, may undermine state sovereignty by taking over the central and local governmental roles as welfare service providers. An extensive use of sub-contracting NGOs may thus further erode the authority, capacity and legitimacy of the governmental institutions in the receiving countries (Weiss 1998). In spite of a shift towards emphasis on human rights there still is tension between sovereignty and human rights (Thomas and Reader 1998). Increasingly it is argued that there is not necessarily a contradiction between sovereignty and human rights, and that a new balance which accounts for both human rights and sovereign rights is needed (Stremlau 1998). A reconceptualization of the UN-charter away from an autonomous respect for state sovereignty towards incorporation of mechanisms for human rights is required (Mills 1997). Parekh (1998) outlines how the main historical ideas has informed the contemporary and primarily Western concepts of human community, society- and sovereignty of states. Through defining the perception of humanitarian intervention of today, which is based on statist thoughts about sovereignty, and an analysis of the extent of state autonomy in the system of states, Parekh (1998) reaches the conclusion that the individual state's right to sovereignty is not absolute. Thus Parekh finds that states do have a right to a "conditional autonomy" which is conditioned by basically three items, namely: a) an effective and widely accepted structure of civil authority; b) no exclusion of groups of citizens, and finally c) respect for the minimum legal and moral principles that are embodied in international law and practices which also form the basis of the recognition of states. Only when states fail to meet these conditions which compromise their right to autonomy, may they be subject to external interference and thus to intervention. This may for instance be the case when a state collapses and consequently there no longer is any effective civil authority to protect its citizens. It may also be the case when a state engages in genocide or other ways of excluding minorities. Extraordinary violations of human rights prevail in such situations. A third case may be when a state engages in a protracted civil war without any sight of it ending. Francis Deng et al. (1996) similarly points out that in the case of internal conflict in Africa, sovereign states often fail to take responsibility for their own citizens' welfare and for the humanitarian consequences of conflict. Thus, the victims are left with neither protection nor assistance. In such cases sovereignty may not be used as a protection against interference in internal affairs, but as a charge of responsibility where the state is accountable to both domestic and external constituencies. This should be the case even if states in such situations forfeit the right of non-interference in their internal affairs and thereby also the legitimacy of a humanitarian intervention. Deng et al. (1996) present a framework that should guide both national governments and the international community in discharging their respective responsibilities. They examine identity as a potential source of conflict, governance as a matter of managing conflict, and economics as a policy field for conflict prevention. By considering conflict management, political stability, economic development, and social welfare as functions of governance, Deng et al. develops strategies, guidelines, and roles for the exercise of conflict management. Thomas and Reader (1998) cautions against a development which implies
an uncritical application of conditioned sovereignty and increased use of
intervention, which can be a dangerous path to follow as the experiences
of UN involvement in Bosnia and Somalia evidenced. Some of the problems
with such a development may stem from immediate questions such as: 1)
which rights forms the basis for intervention; and 2) who has the
legitimate right to authorize such interventions. Both questions are not
self-evident. Thus, the question of legitimizing humanitarian intervention
is a key point of the changing concept of sovereignty. A crucial aspect of
legitimation which is not addressed by many writers is that of how
interventions are legitimized in the face of the parties concerned, the
recipients of humanitarian action and intervention (Götze 1998). 4.2 Legitimizing Intervention for Whom and by Whom?Following this line of thought about amending the concept of sovereignty, and emphasizing the obligations states must fulfill to be recognized as sovereign, the next question pursued is how humanitarian intervention in states that fail to live up to their obligations can be further legitimized (in legal terms). Kurt Mills makes an effort to show how humanitarian intervention has a legitimate basis in a world of sovereign states (1997). The legal justification for this, he argues, is already present in the existing UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights together with current and developing practice. It requires, however, that sovereignty is reconceptualized to include human rights in such a way that states or the international community cannot ignore any abuse of those rights. This reconceptualization requires that the Declaration of Human Rights truly becomes universal. This is discussed further in Part 2 where the perceived tensions between humanitarianism and human rights are introduced. Furthermore, Mills argues that human rights must be inextricably bound up with sovereignty and that "sovereignty cannot be a basis to prevent humanitarian intervention, because the responsibilities which accrue to states mean that human rights must be seen as a part of the definition of sovereignty, rather than in opposition to it" (1997). On the other hand this means that there is an obligation on the part of the international community of sovereign states "to violate international boundaries on behalf of human rights" (Mills 1997). This point derives from a reconceived notion of the relationship between the individual and the international community which, as noted above, have begun to evolve in recent years. However, what is required is to break free from the "sovereignty discourse," which ascribes nation-states as the principal actors in international relations, the principle centres of power, and the principal objects of interest. Stremlau (1998) points out that when the rights of conflicting groups, rather than individual rights are the paramount concern in CPEs, the concept of human rights must mean more than individual rights and should encompass groups. The basis for legitimizing HAIs can, according to Mills, be found within the existing framework of international humanitarian law, human rights law, recent practice of HAIs, and in what he perceives as a universal morality which transcends international legal norms. Götze, however, finds that legitimizing HAIs is not that simple (1998). She finds that in a world of uneven globalization, under a condition of asymmetry, universal moral arguments are not sufficient to legitimize humanitarian action. The problem is that the global asymmetry deprives the recipient societies of any form of direct participation in the decision-making processes that determine the form and content of humanitarian action. This asymmetry along with the relief worker-victim relationship implies a domination over "those who are not capable of holding their ground on their own, i.e. the victims" (Götze 1998). Furthermore, Götze argues that it is not possible to let the suffering populations into the decision-making processes of HAIs amidst a violent crisis. The specific problem here is the transnational character of humanitarian action which demands that the public and political agenda-setting discourse is able to link interculturally between the needs expressed in the local discourse of recipients and the decision-making discourses of donor governments, international organisations and NGOs. To Götze, an answer to this may be found in adopting a civil society
approach which may account for legitimation by requiring that the
intervening organizations meet certain criteria (1998). Thus, by taking up
the concept of civil society, as defined by Jürgen Habermas, with his
thesis about the "communicative power" of civil society actors, an
approach may be formulated, which requires that humanitarian agencies live
themselves into the life world of the targeted societies. In other words,
humanitarian agencies should possess the property of empathy (Slim 1997b).
In this way, humanitarian agencies may become facilitators of the local
discourse by making their needs subject to debate in the donor countries,
and which is very important by exposing themselves openly to public
criticism and debate (Götze 1998). 5. Containing Security Risks: Humanitarian InterventionsSince the 1980s, with the continuing appearance of new conflicts becoming CPEs and older ones becoming protracted, there has been, and still is, a very high demand for humanitarian action. In spite of many lives saved, the failures of international humanitarian interventions have been pronounced (Alagappa 1998). The literature reflecting on the experiences of humanitarian intervention has broadly fallen into two categories. First, there are those who primarily write from the perspective of international relief organizations, and then there are those who focus narrowly on military interventions. But, the burgeoning literature on 'wider peacekeeping' to some extent bridges the two. Ramsbotham and Woodhouse (1996) have written one of the first comprehensive books bringing both literatures together and providing an accurate and realistic assessment of the humanitarian challenge and international responses. They look into the role of the international community, and carry through a reconceptualization of the relevant terminology, based on the nature of contemporary conflicts. The spectrum of this literature runs from state-centred approaches, mainly being concerned with security issues of containment (Collins and Weiss 1996, Stockton 1996) to civil society-oriented approaches (DeMars 1996, Ellis and Barakat 1996) mainly being concerned with relief, development and democratization issues (Nederveen Pieterse 1998:7). The issues about the linking relief with development continuum debate will be treated in part 2. The views found range from the so-called "new barbarism" thesis which sees military interventions as necessary to contain seemingly chaotic and unrational violent conflicts outside the centre regions (Kaplan 1994), to theories about the causes of conflict which mainly focus on various combinations of relief, development and political changes as relevant responses to CPEs (Duffield 1998 and Prendergast 1996, 1997). Thus, an important element informing the actual policies is the increasing reluctance of host countries to house refugees, solely regarding them as a burden which should be contained as close to their country of origin as possible (Ellis and Bakarat 1996). Hathaway (1995) suggests that the international relief system, particularly the international refugee regime, is becoming increasingly diffuse in its objectives, and subsequently has lost sight of its primary purpose. This process is also reflected by the increasing claims of NGOs and some UN specialised agencies of being engaged in the realm of conflict resolution and human rights monitoring (African Rights, 1994). Hathaway (1995) furthermore argues that under pressure from the small number of countries which finance the international relief system, the essentially palliative function of relief is being dissipated, as agencies such as the UNHCR adopt policies more linked to securing the political objectives of donors, such as containment of potentially destabilizing refugee movements. The main questions asked are then: "how to contain security risks?" and "how to mitigate the humanitarian consequences of armed conflicts?" Accepting the existence of an international humanitarian imperative to relieve human suffering in CPEs, a major trend in the recent literature about humanitarian interventions primarily approaches the operational challenges of how to overcome the negative aspects of such interventions (See Part II on the negative effects of HAIs). These approaches concern the combined spectrum of delivering humanitarian assistance, peacemaking and conflict resolution through strategies of 'containing security risks' on the part of the international community (Nederveen Pieterse 1998:7, Stockton 1996). Common to these approaches is that they reflect the trend of the 1990s connecting "pure" humanitarian operations with military interventions. Especially the role of the military has increased, and may still be increasing, albeit changing (Stockton 1996, Weiss 1998). Also, the global political interests combining the humanitarian imperative with the efforts at containing the spread of security risks emanating from CPEs are addressed in the debates. According to Mark Duffield (1998:102-104), there are three interrelated approaches to the management of protracted political crises: 1) containment of population movement; 2) in-situation support of internally displaced and war-affected populations; and 3) the politics of peace. For clarification of the debate it is necessary to differentiate between peacemaking, diplomatic and military interventions, non-military humanitarian operations and military interventions with a clear purpose of only protecting humanitarian operations. The approaches to the containment of security risks often depart from
the humanitarian imperative, which is taken for granted. Doing that, they
can concentrate on the operational challenges of overcoming the negative
aspects of humanitarian intervention. The debates discuss the relations
between the political, military and humanitarian means of containing
security risks together with the increased use of task-sharing,
subcontracting and "privatisation" of humanitarian assistance provision
(see below for clarification of the terms). 5.1 Peacemaking, Conflict Resolution and ManagementPeacemaking and conflict resolution has increasingly become an integrated part of humanitarian action. The rationale is that humanitarian assistance is not worth the effort if not accompanied by attempts to secure peace. But, just as important is that the provision of humanitarian assistance has become more risky (Cremer 1998, Prendergast 1997, Smock 1997). The literature on peacemaking and conflict resolution is increasingly salient. For instance, Zartman and Rasmussen (1997) show how the methods and techniques of peacemaking, conflict resolution, management, or transformation have become increasingly sophisticated. This is explained partly as a response to the increased complexity of international conflicts today, and partly by the likewise complex arrangements, tools and skills available. The utilization of humanitarian assistance for peace processes is another pronounced perspective in the current literature (Prendergast 1996). This trend is also reflected in the policies and guidelines of donor agencies and development corporations such as the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of OECD (OECD 1997) and the European Community Humanitarian Office (ECHO) of the European Union (Mowjee 1998). In a policy paper, DAC focuses on ways to design and implement development co-operation for conflict prevention and post-conflict recovery purposes. Such papers are notably addressing the technical and operational issues of both relief and development aid as means for conflict prevention and post-conflict recovery. The rapid growth of international aid allocated to CPEs has led to parallel calls for preventive action. The question being asked is how humanitarian assistance and other forms of international civilian presence can help prevent and mitigate violent conflict. The report by Bente Hybertsen et al. (1998) takes up such key questions as "what do we know about how, and why, humanitarian presence may help prevent or contain conflict?" and "what are the conditions for failure or success?" While warning against the idea that development aid can lead to political stability, and pointing at the limited capabilities of most NGOS to address conflict resolution, one interesting perspective points toward the potentials of humanitarian assistance in fostering local peacebuilding at the subnational levels (Anderson 1996). The overriding issues of humanitarian intervention, especially the
aspects implicating diplomatic and military interventions with strict
conflict resolution, peacemaking and peacekeeping purposes, has been
thoroughly debated and treated elsewhere in the academic literature, and
will not be taken up here. For further reading on these issues I therefore
refer to the section "Humanitarian Intervention" in the thematic
bibliography. Still, humanitarian intervention has given rise to many
questions, and new problems may still arise ie. the implications of the
United Nations recently task-sharing with NATO in connection with the
humanitarian intervention in Kosovo (Hayden 1998). 5.2 UN OperationsThe increased need for humanitarian action has placed increased demands on the UN system, and consequently strained the organisation. Deployed inside war-torn states, UN peacekeepers have encountered new challenges including overseeing elections, attempting to protect human rights, and reconstructing government institutions (Ratner 1997). However, the UN organisation and its agencies proved incapable of adapting swiftly to the rapidly changing environment after the Cold War (Weiss 1998a, Fishel 1998). Hitherto, the dominating model for peacekeeping operations was directly under UN auspices with the application of military forces (blue helmets and blue berets) under UN command. Non-military humanitarian agencies were used through the so-called UN specialized agencies like the UNHCR, WFP and UNICEF. After the Cold War the character of CPEs changed and conflicts seemed more diffuse. Furthermore, a new possibility of operating on both sides of the frontiers, dubbed cross-border operations appeared. In this new setting a special focus was set on the use of UN Peacekeeping Forces for the purpose of assisting the deliverance of relief aid. The tasks of UN forces range from supplying protection to relief workers over creation of safe havens to direct engagement in humanitarian activities by facilitating contacts to the belligerents. Thus, a development from traditional peacekeeping to simultaneously taking on broader humanitarian tasks has taken place. The debate about this development will certainly continue as forces will be available for operations under UN with the Multinational UN Stand-by Forces High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG) presumably becoming operational in 1999 (UNIC 1998) and with police forces being deployed in Kosovo under UN-command. It is also a debate which departs from the limits within the UN and international systems' capacity to manage operations, and their limited political will and economical resources to respond to humanitarian crises (Wesley 1998). Thus, the mixed experiences of the UN Peacekeeping forces in the 1990s has led to an increased use of devolving military services to regional security organizations like NATO (Weiss 1998b) and ECOWAS and major states (Adibe 1998, Aning 1997 and Alao 1998). The present crisis in Kosova with the NATO-led operation aimed at Serbia revoked the debate in late 1998 (Hayden 1998), and has continued with the NATO bombings in Serbia and Kosovo in 1999. By analysing the causes of the failures of UN-missions in armed
conflict zones, Michael Wesley (1997) reaches the conclusion that the
structural weaknesses of the UN-system which is the problem. A weakness
which is exacerbated by the dynamics of the armed civil conflicts to which
UN-coordinated humanitarian action is applied. One of the main problems is
that the United Nations is nothing more than the aggregate of the
political interests of its member states. The UN could also make for much
greater consistency in humanitarian intervention, and a more transparent
system of decision-making (Harriss 1995). Among the reconsiderations of
the UN system, approaches which essentially substitutes humanitarian for
economic and social action; the recognition of the potential for
beneficiaries to become active agents in their recovery; and the relations
between peacekeeping and humanitarian intervention with respect to the use
of force can be found. But, in the most recent debates the focus is
increasingly on the use of subcontracting and task-sharing to overcome the
problems of UN inefficiency (Weiss 1998a). 5.3 Subcontracting and Task-sharingThe dominant suggestions on how to solve the inefficiency problem of the UN-system, concerning responses towards CPEs, were either to cut back on activities or to rely on regional security arrangements and/or major states for military services on one hand (Gordenker 1997), and on International NGOs (INGOs) for service provision (Gordenker and Weiss 1998). By leaving the UN agencies with the tasks that they are best at, and devolving responsibilities when other institutions are in a better position to respond effectively, the UN system, according to Weiss (1998a), can be strengthened in its effort to address problems which go beyond the individual or collective capacities of even powerful states. Thus, the idea is to find ways of task-sharing military services with regional security arrangements on one hand, and of sub-contracting service provision to INGOs, NGOs or other actors on the other. Task-sharing is distinguished from subcontracting by virtue of the contract relationship where the subcontractor is subordinate and accountable to the contractor, whereas regional security arrangements do not subordinate themselves (Weiss 1998a). Task-sharing is possible according to Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. The advantage of involving regional security arrangements such as NATO, OSCE and ECOWAS, instead of solely relying on the universal organisation of the UN-system, is based on three theoretical assumptions: 1) Since the member states of regional security arrangements are the ones most effected by war and migration, they will be more inclined to act; b) the states within the same region as the ones in which conflict occurs may understand the local cultures and actors better, which makes them more effective in the field; c) their agenda is not diverted by other global problems, and can thus better concentrate on the given crises (Weiss 1998a). Alagappa (1998) asserts that despite the fact that specific task-sharing arrangements can only be established ad-hoc by virtue of the nature of conflicts all being different (Thorvald Stoltenberg 1998), they can contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security. However, the mentioned points of advantage need to be qualified by more research into the possible biased interests of specific regional security arrangements, and of the member states of such arrangements towards engagement in specific conflicts (Aning 1997). Regional arrangements can, thus, have difficulties in maintaining impartiality and forging common positions (Alagappa 1998). Subcontracting and task-sharing can also be a cover for other interests and, as Weiss (1998a:xiii) ask: "does UN 'subcontracting' provide a blue fig leaf and legitimacy to gunboat diplomacy?" The relationship with the UN under task-sharing arrangements is very important, as the UN has the mandate to mount interventions, and is the most impartial institution for intervention in local conflicts (Alagappa 1998). The advantages of subcontracting service provision to NGOs are in theory based on their greater flexibility, responsiveness and cost-effectiveness compared to the UN (Weiss 1998a). Because of their contacts to the 'grassroots' NGOs are presumably better equipped to 'customize' their activities to specific conditions than the UN is. Such assumptions should be qualified by the fact that NGOs both can be amateurish, who easily contribute to more frenzy and confusion in CPEs, and highly professional, but which may be victim of institutionalization and thus vulnerable to the characteristics of more inflexible organizations being heavily dependent on their fund-raising department (Maren 1997). The increasing trend of sub-contracting military and humanitarian
delivery services to regional organizations and international NGOs,
respectively, is addressed from several perspectives in the literature.
The main problems of sub-contracting and the need for further research on
these issues are summarized by Weiss (1998b), who finds that the UN should
not just be dismissed on account of the previous failures. Thus, finding
ways to improve the accountability of major powers acting as
sub-contractors on behalf of the UN Security Council is seen as both
possible and necessary. The increased 'privatization' of humanitarian
assistance through international NGOs requires coordination and
consolidation of their overlapping and sometimes unprofessional efforts.
The bureaucratic and political obstacles to consolidating emergency
operations of the UN system should be approached with outside military
forces in favour of the victims in war zones. The crisis in development
thinking should be overcome to link relief and rehabilitation towards
development. A critical approach to the phenomenon of subcontracting
relates it to the general tendency in the so-called Western World to
privatise social welfare services. Thus, Duffield (1998a, 1998b) cautions
against the focus on subcontracting and task-sharing, which he finds to be
operational and technical solutions to increasing humanitarian demands.
His worry is that with the process of globalization characterized by
polarization between a few integrated regional centres on one hand, and
the marginalized remainder of the world on the other hand, the energy used
for technical solutions may evolve into the West's selective and flexible
palliative containment of external crises instead of being used for
settling a "new global deal" (Duffield 1998a, Duffield 1998b). 5.4 CoordinationSubcontracting and task-sharing raises many issues about how the different institutions, organizations and arrangements can interact in a sound and effective way. Because humanitarian action often is addressed by non-governmental organisations (NGO), inter-governmental organizations (IGO) as well as military organizations, which all have different cultures, aims, purposes and mandates, then the need for coordination becomes imperative. Thus, academic debates increasingly discuss how best to facilitate the coordination between UN-agencies, NGOs, Military and Regional Security Organisations and States (Weiss 1998b, White 1999). But can the links between NGOs and IGOs be improved? And can coordination make humanitarian action more effective? The perspectives range from the operational focuses on how to improve coordination, for instance by establishing specific coordinating institutions such as the UN Office for Coordination for Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) (Weiss 1998b); over how to improve coordination between UN-agencies, NGOs, IGOs, and regional agencies such as ECHO (Weiss 1998b, White 1999, Mowjee 1998); to views that find that the main problems facing the efforts of humanitarian action are not lack of coordination, but a lack of resources, a lack of political will to act and a lack of convincing answers to the security dilemmas of conducting humanitarian action in situations of war and conflict (Roberts 1996, Duffield 1998). When military organizations and the various humanitarian agencies have to cooperate in joint humanitarian operations, a very central issue is how to resolve the tensions that arise between the security- and humanitarian- dimensions of such interventions. However, the main issues in focus of this debate are the identification of factors to determine the effectiveness of joint operations; criteria for division of labour; and how accountability can be achieved (Alagappa 1998). Thus, studies focus increasingly on how the issues of control, accountability and governance in the relationships between states, military organizations, NGOs and international governmental organizations can be facilitated and improved (Weiss 1998b). The increased use of military sub-contracting also raises the issue of accountability in joint humanitarian-peacekeeping operations. The growth of NGOs engaged in humanitarian action, the causes and consequences of this growth together with an increasingly close relationship between NGOs and official aid agencies is also of growing concern. Humanitarian assistance through NGOs has become big business. The increased channelling of public resources to humanitarian NGOs together with the increased use of military interventions raises questions about the efficiency of task-sharing and subcontracting, increasing administrative costs and accountability of NGOs as well as military operations (Weiss 1998b). With military sub-contracting and task-sharing the question is how accountability in such constructions can be improved (Weiss 1998b). One problem is that potential major power sub-contractors, such as NATO, seem unlikely to subject themselves to international law and monitoring. Therefore Weiss finds that the most important task in the near future is to find ways of influencing the behaviour of would-be sub-contractors. NGO performance and its relations to the donor-states is increasingly
in focus. Thus studies which look at how NGO performance and
accountability are influenced by their changing roles and funding
arrangements (Hulme and Edwards - eds. 1996) and the changing
relationships between NGOs, States and Donors (Hulme and Edwards - eds.
1997) are found in the debates. According to these studies the emerging
pictures are complex. They show evidence that the NGOs are losing their
roots, getting closer to donors and governments and more distant from the
poor and disempowered, whom they seek to assist. 5.5 Learning from Case StudiesLearning from the experiences of the 1990s through case studies is one very important way to improve future HAIs. Many of these studies, and books, are often all-encompassing meaning that they often cover the whole spectrum of issues concerning humanitarian operations. Other studies seek to set up models for HAIs, which however may be a problematic approach since CPEs often are so diverse and may be characterised by very specific and not generalisable internal dynamics. The most thorough assessment of an international response to a CPE is the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda (JEEAR 1996) published by DANIDA. Rather than pointing at lessons learned this report forwards a set of findings about the Rwandan experience. Their main criticism was the lack of efforts to prevent the genocide and of organisational flaws resulting in poor performance. Their one most important conclusion is that humanitarian action cannot substitute for political action. This is an important conclusion as will be seen in the discussions referred to en Part 2 of this literature survey. The question that namely arises is: Who are the relevant agents of political action, and should humanitarian agencies take part in political action? Lessons learned from subcontracting and task-sharing experiences in Yugoslavia, Liberia, Central American and Georgia can be found in the book "Beyond UN Subcontracting" edited by Thomas G. Weiss (1998a). Two books illustrative of the many case studies are: Clarke and Herbst's (1997) book "Learning From Somalia - The Lessons of Armed Humanitarian Intervention" which emphasises the lessons of military intervention and John Prendergast's (1997) book "Crisis Response - Humanitarian Band-aids in Sudan and Somalia" giving a detailed analysis of the recent human rights and humanitarian interventions in Sudan and Somalia, examining those that worked and those that did not. Clarke and Herbst (1997) argue that Somalia has had an unsettling effect on the policies of individual Western governments and the UN, as they tried to cope with the CPEs around the world. But there were a variety of positive organizational innovations and operational lessons, learned during the Somalia intervention that have not received enough attention. Learning from Somalia is still important in order to realise how to respond better to the rising number of potential tragedies that now threaten humanity, particularly in Africa. Their book assesses the Somalia experience in terms of the legal, economic and military aspects of intervention as well as decision making during intervention. In drawing conclusions it attempts to determine the implications for the future of humanitarian intervention. Prendergast demonstrates that humanitarian intervention and state-building efforts in Somalia provide many lessons for future emergencies, while the long-running negotiated access response to aid the victims of Sudan's war also offers insights for those responding to other catastrophes. The crises in the two countries are viewed within the wider context of cyclical famines in the Horn, and the massive worldwide responses, which often come too late and fail to address the causes of the crises. Providing a range of initiatives on how the international community can respond effectively to complex international emergencies, Prendergast highlights how resources can be made more available to aid agencies within the UN and elsewhere. Those who have struggled the most, and from whom the most important lessons can be learned are the local people who have struggled most for their survival, for making peace in their countries and to find ways to assist their own people. Such perspectives has been taken up by for instance the Swedish Life and Peace Institute, concerning Somalia (Life and Peace Institute 1996). The complexities of NGO, IGO and military co-operation in task-sharing and subcontracting arrangements raises problems of accountability, and for the fundamental values of humanitarianism within humanitarian circles which is taken up in Part 2.
Part 2: The Negative Effects of Humanitarian Action and the Crisis of ValuesAn inherent feature of complex political emergencies are the complexities arising from the interaction between the interventions of humanitarian assistance and the various actors in conflict. Thus, an important issue concerns the negative effects of such assistance and its interrelatedness to the protraction of social conflicts (Keen and Wilson 1994, Anderson 1996, Ramsbotham and Woodhouse 1995, Voutira and Brown 1995, Lentin 1997). The negative experiences with HAI in the 1990s gave rise to criticism of the humanitarian agencies, United Nations and international NGOs alike, and their conduct of delivering assistance (Smock 1997, Macrae 1996). The efforts to intervene with military forces in order to protect civilians and assistance deliveries were also flawed and criticized (Prendergast 1997, Roberts 1996). The prolongation of conflicts gave rise to issues about linking humanitarian assistance with longer-term development aid. This debate sparked off another one, raising critical questions about the role of development - as well as humanitarian aid - in causing conflict. The dilemmas, and the increasing questioning of roles and conduct of humanitarian agencies were also debated within the agencies themselves. As Roberts (1996:34) writes: "In many recent wars, humanitarian organisations involved in aid delivery had genuine difficulty asserting their autonomy and immunity. The delivery of aid has resulted in threats to the humanitarian workers involved and widespread seizure and looting of aid shipments." Such dilemmas and experiences form the background to what may be described as the crisis of values in the western paradigm of addressing poverty and conflict issues in the marginalised parts of the globe (Macrae 1996, Duffield 1997, Slim 1998). Citing Macrae (1996), the rationale and impact of relief programmes in
the context of ongoing wars were questioned. Questions like "is
humanitarian aid doing more harm than good?" and "is relief being used by
powerful donor governments as a convenient substitute for international
political action?" were being asked. The above moral, ethical as well as
political debates have an operational offspring that concerns the conduct
of humanitarian assistance by agencies (roles of United Nations,
international NGOs as well as donor-governmental agencies) and their
principles for humanitarian practice, codes of conduct, the
governance of humanitarian assistance, regulation and
accountability (Slim 1997a, Lancaster 1998 etc.). Such outcomes
are the results of the ethical debates and humanitarian positioning of the
various agencies with humanitarian objectives. A process which is still
ongoing, and which will have to relate to the still circulating ideas
about how to link relief aid with development aid, peace-making, -keeping
and -resolution mechanisms. From these debates the main issues, presented
in the following sections, are alive and discussed. These issues - which
are closely linked to the issues raised in Part 1 - seem to be linked by
the efforts to establish a humanitarian framework for ethical actions in
complex emergencies. 1. Approaching the Negative Effects of Humanitarian Assistance InterventionsAnalysts have argued that humanitarian assistance on several occasions has exacerbated conflict, whereby the long-term aims of such assistance is undermined (Prendergast and Scott 1996, Prendergast 1997:139). The delivery of humanitarian assistance to complex political emergencies (CPEs) often dragged the humanitarian agencies into the conflicts and placed them in difficult dilemmas. Because of the inherent complex nature of CPEs, it has been asserted that political involvement in conflicts is required of humanitarian agencies, even if this means setting aside the traditional political neutrality of humanitarian agencies (Smock 1997, Slim 1997b). The different CPEs of Cambodia, Guatemala, Bosnia, Liberia and Somalia all posed different challenges to the standard delivery approaches of the humanitarian agencies and their means of providing assistance. One of the important challenges was to identify who the legal authorities in the vacuum after a state collapse could be, and with whom the agencies could negotiate humanitarian access and security. In order to tackle the difficulties, new approaches af providing assistance have been developed. These included tactically negotiated "partnerships" with local warlords and other local actors to facilitate the delivery of assistance and protection. Other new approaches include subcontracting of assistance provision to local NGOs or private contractors as a means to reduce diversion of aid deliveries (Duffield 1997:531). Increasingly, due to violence, or lack of security provision for the delivery of relief, military interventions were applied to enable the channelling of assistance into areas of emergency (Harriss 1995, Ramsbotham and Woodhouse 1996, Prendergast 1997). When the delivery of aid was combined with military interventions, as happened in Somalia and Liberia, the context of delivery often became even more complex and disturbed the operations (Prendergast 1997, Alao 1998). A central critique is that in the event of helping people in need, international and non-governmental relief agencies often caused increased tension, and potentially created new conflicts. This could happen in instances where significant resources were brought into areas of conflict, and where such resources were scarce because of the destructive and economic effects of civil strife. The risk of diversion of relief deliveries is especially problematic since that can fuel conflicts directly (Maren 1997, Helander 1995). All parties in such conflicts will carefully watch each other and the agencies to ensure that no one gets less than others, and preferably that their own group receives more. Thus, providing humanitarian relief in violent conflict situations has proven to be a very complex matter, compelling the involved agencies to compromise their humanitarian ideals and principles, and at the worst contributing to the atrocities committed in war zones. The problems of delivering humanitarian assistance in armed conflicts is now acknowledged in the literature (Cremer 1998, Prendergast 1997, Fennell 1998 and Maren 1997). Resources being brought into CPEs by humanitarian agencies make a difference in other ways than just saving lives, and may potentially be a decisive element for changing the balance of power in a given conflict. The problems are many and their solutions complex: aid may end up in the hands of belligerent forces; aid may favour one side more than the other; aid may effectively prolong war; there may be pressures on agencies to provide one side with more aid; relief deliveries may by accompanied by arms supplies etc. Other contributive factors to the complexities of CPEs are institutional. For instance, the political character, functioning and structural weakness of the UN has been a major causal factor for the unsuccessful UN responses to CPEs (Wesley 1998). Collins et al. (1996) show how institutional concerns within the international humanitarian system in CPEs often yield policies that do not serve the immediate requirements of victims. Furthermore, Prendergast (1997:141) underscores that humanitarian interventions in conjunction with efforts to deliver relief aid so far have not effectively protected the human rights of conflict-victims. All together, the effect of the above is that the character of humanitarian assistance to CPEs has become politicised. It is generally agreed that if the humanitarian agencies do not carefully take the needs of the local population into account, new tensions may arise, however, how the needs of people are to be taken into consideration is not agreed upon. Furthermore, inspired by the new international framework of the post cold-war, humanitarian agencies have increasingly challenged the principles of neutrality and impartiality in their efforts to deliver humanitarian assistance (Slim 1997b). Besides lack of attention and engagement, another important factor which may result in humanitarian assistance having negative consequences, is the lack of understanding, or simply ignorance about existing information concerning the origins of the conflicts, their actors and internal dynamics (African Rights 1997). Cremer (1998) finds that the responsibility of such negative side-effects rests not entirely with the humanitarian agencies, because the belligerents of the conflicts have a main responsibility for committing violence and abusing human rights. But, also the policies and responses made by the so-called international community, mainly through the United Nations Security Council, may be responsible for such negative side effects. However, while discussions and research in this field have come far in terms of understanding and rethinking humanitarian assistance, more knowledge about the dynamics and logics of such emergencies in Africa is still needed (Cremer 1998:5). Mary B. Anderson (1996) asserts that there may be two options for delivering aid and at the same time avoiding aid ending up with the belligerents and doing so without armed protection. The first way to protect relief programmes is by negotiating the programmes and access directly with local groups/traditional authorities (Anderson 1996). Cremer, however, objects that local authorities, including traditional authorities, often have to accept cooperation with a belligerent warlord or warring group for their own interests and protection (1998). The second option is to sub-contract the transport of relief goods to (often) local private contractors. The contractors are only paid, if the goods reach their destination. This, Cremer asserts, does not rule out the risk of resources being transferred to parties in control of territories which have to be crossed (1998). The need to have access to the victims of conflict may be abused by the belligerents for instance by using food convoys for the purpose of transporting arms, or more importantly to gain legitimacy by enforcing negotiations. The troubles of delivering humanitarian assistance during conflict have led to assertions that a new business has emerged out of conflict. For instance Milan Vesely in African Business, December 1998, notes that "Like two sides of an unholy alliance, civil war and humanitarian aid feed off each other" and asks "...are aid organisations indirectly fuelling the very conflicts that make their presence necessary?". As the assertion of a direct connection between aid and conflict may be too far fetched, several writers do point out how the combined effects of development aid, humanitarian assistance in conflicts and the ways, the international community responds to conflict are much to blame for both causing, exacerbating and prolonging conflicts (Uvin 1998, Prendergast 1997, Maren 1997). Michael Maren (1997) shows how humanitarian assistance to Somalia during the 1980's played an important role for the collapse of the Somali society around 1990. Peter Uvin (1998) correspondingly shows how development aid has been contributing to violence in the case of Rwanda. Fennell (1998) describes how humanitarian agencies felt compelled to sacrifice humanitarian principles in the face of unsympathetic political authorities in the case of Rwanda, and how he saw refugees beyond the protection of international law being "abandoned" by the international community in 1996-7. In Fennell's words (1998:104) "the international community "co-operated" to assist 100.000 or more people to die horribly." The quest of finding solutions to the politically negative impacts of HAIs typically takes on a pragmatic approach. Thus, in-depth assessments of organizational weaknesses of the UN system are undertaken (see the section about containing security risks above), which scrutinizes the political parameters of its functioning, reconsidering the principles of the system. Among these approaches are also the ones which essentially substitute humanitarian for both economic and social action. Such approaches gives recognition to the potential for beneficiaries of becoming active agents in their own recovery (see the debate about linking relief to development below), and others turn the focus to the relations between peacekeeping and humanitarian intervention in regard to the use of force. Other observers, like Alex de Waal (1997) and African Rights (1997),
find that it is only by studying famine in its historical and political
context that humanitarianism can be put in its proper perspective. Hence,
Alex de Waal (1997) finds that most famine expertise seems to stop
precisely at the point where politics begins, and only a weak call for
political will to bridge the gap between knowledge of technical measures
and action to implement them prevails. Rejecting the technical-political
dualisms, de Waal argues that the problem is not a missing link, but
rather an entire political tradition, one manifestation of which is
contemporary international humanitarianism. This point of view is relative
to the position taken by Mark Duffield (1998) who warns against the
tendency to solely developing selective technical-operational means of
containing security risks without also understanding their function in the
context of current global processes of marginalisation. 2. Humanitarian PositioningWith the increasing recognition that humanitarian action also can have negative effects (Anderson 1996, Prendergast 1997), can do more harm than good, the humanitarian community both practitioners and academics have felt a need to address the moral and ethical issues surrounding humanitarian assistance interventions in complex political emergencies (Macrae 1996 and Slim 1997a). This is evidenced by the various attempts at formulating ethical guidelines and codes of conduct for relief agencies. See the section about guidelines and codes of conduct below. The moral and ethical questions arise from the potentially negative effects of humanitarian aid together with the increased acknowledgement about the dynamics of CPEs and the risks of worsening conflicts by the various forms of interventions. The ethical debate also takes into account the issues of changing sovereignty, the rights to intervene, and increasingly the impact and risks of fuelling conflicts in the longer perspective.The latter sparked off debates about the extent humanitarian action can be politically involved. This is also crucial for the debate about linking relief with development, because such aid more often implies partiality than relief aid does. Of central importance to humanitarian positioning is thus how to relate humanitarian action to neutrality and impartiality (Slim 1998, Levine 1997, African Rights 1997, Roberts 1996). For instance, does humanitarian action, by its nature, have to be neutral, impartial and independent, or can it be associated with the use of armed forces, and support for a particular side in a conflict? The increased critique combined with the complexity of interventions
following the interlinking of political, military and humanitarian
operations has called for answers from both practitioners and scholars of
humanitarianism. The necessity to defend humanitarianism has led to a view
of an imperative need to define or redefine the ethics of humanitarian
interventions (Macrae 1996). These efforts to establish a humanitarian
framework for ethical action in complex emergencies may be characterised
as humanitarian positioning by the various participants in the debates
(Slim 1997b). The aim of humanitarian positioning is to establish a
humanitarian framework for ethical action. This may be based on two
schools of humanitarian thinking; namely the Kantian inspired tradition of
the humanitarian imperative; and the empirical humanitarian impulse
(Macrae 1996). The former view has been leading the attempts to link
humanitarian values with international humanitarian law (Slim 1997 and
Weller 1998 take a legal approach) into practical guidelines, such as the
so-called Codes of Conduct. 2.1. Ethics and MoralityThe negative results of international HAIs certainly did cause serious moral hangovers within the international humanitarian community. The confusion of the "international community" on what to do in instances where humanitarian disasters had become an integral part of internal conflicts, and the need to address the moral aspects of humanitarian intervention in such instances, is increasingly being expressed in the literature (Moore 1998a). Animated by the debates on a new humanitarian world order, the context of humanitarian crises, the need for new codes, norms and principles in the humanitarian domain, discussions about the role of morality and ethics in international politics is increasing within the discipline of international relations (Campbell 1998, Onuf 1998, Knudsen 1998). This trend is reflected in several international journals producing special issues about ethics and morality in politics and international relations (Millennium 1998, Politica 1998). The value of exercising moral imagination in dealing with the dilemmas of CPEs is often brought forward, almost imperatively, as the only way to find solutions to the current problems of HAIs (Moore 1998a). The current moral dilemmas also arise from uncertainty about the changing values attached to the concepts of sovereignty, human rights and states, which then again give rise to debates that have important implications for how issues of peace, security and humanitarian interventions are faced (see for instance above in section about sovereignty and legitimacy). The negative - or in the words of Hugo Slim - "the dark side" of humanitarianism is not new (Slim 1997a:245). But, as Slim argues, together with the new international environment of today characterised by humanitarianism emerging as a strategic instrument in foreign policies of the great powers, an unprecedented proliferation of agencies and their greater exposure to the complexities of modern civil strife, "... a new generation of relief workers and relief agencies has become embroiled in the heat of civil wars and political emergencies, and the humanitarian community has had to revisit its fundamental principles and address the ethics of what it does" (Slim 1997a:245). Slim also raises some important points regarding the context of the moral debate. First, it is the tendency of both humanitarians, decision makers and the public media to overstate the moral burden on humanitarianism. Of course, the main responsibility for human rights abuse and politically caused humanitarian emergencies lies with the direct perpetrators. This should not be confounded with the moral responsibilities of humanitarian agencies who engage in CPEs not to "do harm". Secondly, the existing International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights Law are poorly implemented, both internationally and locally. In CPEs these laws have either never been implemented or are totally disregarded by the belligerents, which leaves the humanitarian agencies with a "legal vacuum" to operate in (Slim 1997a:247). In such situations agencies and relief workers are confronted with more moral dilemmas and "tough choices" than in an environment where at least a minimum level of "rule of law" is applied and respected. The moral systems applied by the humanitarian agencies apply are important, because many of the moral dilemmas which they face originate in these very moral systems. Humanitarian agencies applying for instance only a single utilitarian rule of preserving human life before anything else, may face few moral dilemmas. NGOs that apply several fundamental moral principles encompassing civil, political as well as economic rights will more frequently face conflicting choices. Most relief agencies, in so-called multi-mandate operations (because they have a wide range of values built into their mission objectives), will therefore often face moral dilemmas (Slim 1997a:248, African Rights 1994). Slim finds that there are four main principles in the value-system of the humanitarian community (1997a:248): 1) The preserving of human life; 2) The respect of the economic, social, civil and political human rights; 3) the principle of justice and 4) staff safety. The crisis of values often stems from conflicts between these four areas of moral principles. However, the issues concerning the "clash" of moral value systems which seems inevitable, when mainly Western humanitarian agencies move massively into societies with an entirely different basic moral value system, is not much discussed in current debates. To dismiss this clash as unimportant requires that there really does exist a universal moral value system, which conforms to the fundamental humanitarian values. If not, then how does humanitarianism relate to the specific local moral principles prevalent in the societies that humanitarian assistance is provided to? Alternatively, does the argument asserting that moral values of starving people come second to the humanitarian value of preserving individual human lives always hold water? Or, for instance, it may be asserted that in many places in Africa, the survival of the group may be more important than the survival of the individual. In the Conference on the Humanitarian Imperative in Complex Emergencies in Copenhagen 28-29 August 1997, Ms Christine Umutoni, Special Adviser to the Rwandese President's office, stated that humanitarian agencies have to relate to situations where people actually are prepared to die for a certain cause. Interestingly, the moral-ethical debate which has been - and still is - taking place among relief agencies and academics, seems to recognize that it is not enough just to address the negative effects of humanitarian assistance in terms of a technical critique followed by technical operational solutions. However, such analyses mainly discuss the achievements of a "just cause, just means and just ends" in any humanitarian assistance intervention (Slim 1997a:245) and thereby rather easily dismiss the question of the whole concept of humanitarian assistance intervention itself. Therefore, Slim emphasises that ethical analysis should always be an
essential part of humanitarian practice (1997a:246). Thus, it is necessary
to recognise the difficult moral choices relief agencies are facing today.
If practical guidelines to relief agency staff are to be formulated, it is
- according to Slim (1997b) - necessary first to understand the essential
characteristics of a moral dilemma. Slim distinguishes between real
dilemmas and other types of "tough choice" that can masquerade as moral
dilemmas. Secondly, basic moral principles must surround the key ethical
notions of action, consequences and moral responsibility by humanitarian
agencies. Agencies need to develop a process of ethical analysis during
their work. Thirdly, developing ethical analysis might take an intuitive
form, based on organisational conscience and moral role models. By moral
role models is understood often outstanding persons who through their ways
of problem-solving in specific working contexts can be an example for
others. An interesting suggestion is that humanitarian agencies look for
such moral role models within the communities they seek to assist, among
the people they call beneficiaries (Slim 1997b:256). In this way, by
adopting certain local moral role models into their behavioural practice,
humanitarian agencies may perhaps solve the problem of clashing moral
value systems. If international organisations can learn from such local
role models, they may be able to adopt a moral humanitarian framework,
which also conforms with and makes sense to the recipient communities. 2.2. Neutrality and ImpartialityLocating humanitarian values in the context of violent conflicts will reveal that it is intrinsically difficult for humanitarian agencies to represent their values in conflicts dominated by people and leaders, who are committed to violence and war. In armed conflicts humanitarian values may thus be seen as a threat to aims pursued by the warmongers (Slim 1997b:343). However, in human history, war and violence have always been countered by efforts to relieve and heal the victims, as a natural humanitarian necessity for the survival of the family, community, tribe, people, nation and/or humanity (Macrae 1998). But military and political leaders will always attempt to control humanitarian action so that it does not come in the way of military efforts. Humanitarian agencies may thus meet responses from different groups ranging from ones that will cherish them, ones that will attack them to those that try to abuse them (Slim 1997b:344). The proliferation of NGOs operating in war zones in recent years has made humanitarian positioning in conflicts particularly difficult and has revealed the widespread differences in the ethical maturity and skills of the agencies (Slim 1997b:344). The moral difficulties for international humanitarian workers operating as third parties in war zones seems to be most profound for the maintenance of the principles of neutrality and impartiality, which historically have been attached to humanitarian agencies, and especially the International Committee of the Red Cross and Red Crescent (ICRC). Confronted with the wideranged aims of military and political leaders in armed conflicts, the application of the principles of neutrality and impartiality is, sought abandoned by several humanitarian INGOs, according to Slim. This is either because neutrality is "equated with being unprincipled" or is "unachievable in practice, because relief aid is so frequently manipulated" (Slim 1997b:347). Slim ascribes this to a widespread misunderstanding of the concept of "humanitarian neutrality," which he describes as the operational means to achieve the humanitarian ideals within an environment which is essentially hostile to those ideals (Slim 1997b:347). Citing Plattner (1996:165), neutrality may thus be seen "as a duty to abstain from any act which, in a conflict situation, might be interpreted as furthering the interests of one party to the conflict or jeopardising those of the other." The interpretation of action by the belligerents then becomes crucial to the perceived neutrality of humanitarian agencies. As Slim notes: "Perception ... varies from faction to faction in conditions where one group's legitimate relief is seen by another group as an obvious contribution to the war effort of the enemy" (1997b:347). In the context of humanitarian action, the ICRC defines neutrality as a principle of abstention. A third party to a conflict must not undertake (or possibly permit) activities which would assist the war effort of either party to a conflict. Similarly, a third party must not engage in activities beyond her obligations in general international law which would hinder the conduct of either belligerent. As it has proven extremely difficult to adhere to this definition of neutrality in war zones, many NGOs have rejected it. According to Slim (1997b) there are two reasons for this: The first reason is that many NGOs feel that neutrality imposes an unacceptable silence upon them in the face of grievous violations of human rights. This is especially difficult for NGOs advocating human rights and social justice and for those that do not have the capacity to secure a viable neutral position (African Rights 1994). Secondly, neutrality is not feasible when relief supplies are manipulated, and by the fact that combatants and civilians are intrinsically mixed. To Slim, however, this does not deem neutrality impossible. But "in the right hands and in pursuit of the right ideals, recognised by international humanitarian law, neutrality is an extremely valuable principle" (Slim 1997b:348). Instead of neutrality many NGOs have embraced the notion of impartiality. Again, there is no general agreement among humanitarian NGOs about how to understand and apply impartiality. The attraction of impartiality over neutrality may be explained by NGOs seeing impartiality as a concept permitting them to make judgements according to their agreed humanitarian values, while neutrality only allows for by-standing. In the humanitarian context, impartiality is by the ICRC defined as a principle of action (Slim 1997b). Whatever humanitarian action is being undertaken (which, to many, implies that such action must not be unneutral in the above sense), it must be administered in accordance with an objective standard which is applied equally to all parties. Contrary to the claims of some parties to a conflict, this does not mean that all sides must receive the same amount of assistance. Instead, assistance is to be rendered on the basis of the objective criteria of need, regardless of any other considerations. However, impartiality is increasingly being applied as impartiality to persons, but partiality to their actions (Slim 1997b:349). Thus, NGOs that are "advocacy-driven" have found a scope within the impartiality principle to speak out about human rights' abuse, while simultaneously sticking to their humanitarian values (Slim 1997b:349). The latter tendency leads to the position of "solidarity" which represents the stance of those who want to abandon neutrality and impartiality all together in favor of actively taking sides (Slim 1997b:349, African Rights 1994:27). See the section "Mercy vs. Justice" below on this debate. Recognising the difficulties for agencies operating as "third-party
non-combatants" in war zones, Slim finds that a range of different
positions is both inevitable and desirable in a given conflict, but
concludes by emphasizing the responsibility of any third-party relief
organisation to be transparent in its position and to preserve rather than
distort traditional humanitarian principles and language (Slim 1997b:351).
Slim sums up the different attempts at reframing humanitarian principles
by setting up three common main ideals (1997b:351): a) a commitment to the
principle of humanity - albeit in a minimal form; b) a desire to speak out
in the face of human rights abuses; and c) a guarantee of third-party
immunity for humanitarian agencies. Slim emphasizes that current
humanitarian positioning needs to get beyond the minimalistic
interpretation of the principle of humanity, of only saving human life.
Instead the actors in the humanitarian community should embrace the
principle of humanity which encompasses the needs of the whole human
person. To this end Slim recommends that the existing principles in the
Geneva Conventions, international humanitarian law, and human rights law
should be reexamined as principles that complement each other. This may be
the best way to focus the current debate about the place of
humanitarianism in war. Marc Weller (1998), taking a slightly different
perspective on humanitarian neutrality and impartiality finds that these
are not absolute concepts. Their application depends on the type of
international actor involved, the mandate according to which that actor
operates, and the nature and extent of the international crisis or
humanitarian emergency that is being addressed. For future UN mandated
action, clarification of these concepts and their proposed concrete
application in relation to the target groups of the humanitarian operation
is therefore required in advance, if the disastrous dissonance between
mandates and their implementation that appeared in instances such as
Somalia and Bosnia is to be avoided. Neutrality and impartiality are
generally mentioned in the same breath, when their application to
humanitarian action is concerned. Indeed, on occasion the two principles
are used interchangeably. However, they are somewhat distinct and should
be regarded as partially overlapping principles, rather than as synonyms.
It must also be borne in mind that the meaning of these terms in the
context of humanitarian operations is not necessarily the same as in the
context of the traditional laws of war. The precise content of the twin
principles (neutrality and impartiality) depends on the particularities of
the situation. In several recent instances the UN Security Council has
authoritatively confirmed the absolute impermissibility of certain
activities of parties involved in the conflict. They include ethnic
cleansing, genocide, attacks on civilians and the denial of humanitarian
assistance and medical aid. Insistence on compliance with these
requirements, even through the use of force, can never be a partial act.
According to this view, the implementation of a Chapter VII mandate going
beyond the requirements to the parties of a conflict that are included in
the general rules of international law can also not be considered a
neutral or partial act (Weller 1998). 3. Mercy vs. Justice: Humanitarian vs. Human Rights PrioritiesFollowing the central ethical and moral issues discussed above, another set of issues are raised concerning the dilemmas of relief relating to what can be described as the tensions between the priorities of the humanitarian agenda and the human rights agenda (Roberts 1996, Slim 1998, African Rights 1997), or in Nederveen Pieterse's (1998) version between an approach centered on mercy (relief efforts, containment of refugee streams) and a justice approach (human and asylum rights, crime tribunals etc.). These discussions revolve around humanitarian action as a phenomenon raising specific troubles and dilemmas of intervention in the localities of conflict related disasters. Especially in situations where humanitarian assistance is followed up by military intervention, experience shows that violation of human rights in the course of military intervention even by the intervention forces (warfare has become complex) has severely complicated the humanitarian agenda (Olonisakin and Aning 1999, Stremlau 1998). One of the fundamental principles of humanitarian action is that of impartiality. In many cases this principle has implied that agencies have avoided political issues, even when fundamental human rights are violated (Roberts 1996). UN Peacekeeping and humanitarian actions have thus been criticized for not addressing human rights abuses and fuelling armed conflicts (African Rights 1994, Helander 1995). Also International NGOs (INGOs) having different emphasis, human rights and humanitarian, respectively, have clashed over this issue. African Rights, in their discussion paper "Humanitarianism Unbound" (1994:4), described the dilemma like this: "The central dilemma is whether it is possible to supply humanitarian assistance, under the auspices of a governing authority that abuses human rights, without also giving undue assistance to that authority, and hence doing disservice to the people one is aiming to help." There is no doubt that there is tension between the humanitarian approaches, i.e. the impartial delivery of humanitarian assistance and the human rights approaches seeking to oppose violations of human rights and thus often the causes of conflict. Roberts, however, sees no point in debating which approach is most important (1996:58). In practice UN, and UN agencies as well as NGOs, are increasingly seeking to incorporate human rights elements into their activities. This point is followed by the view that there are not necessarily any contradictions between humanitarian and human rights approaches, since International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and the Universal Human Rights Charter should be seen and understood as complementary. To Kurt Mills (1997) there is no doubt when he argues "that beyond whatever basis may be present in international law for human rights and intervention to protect those rights, one can find a foundation for such rights in the very nature of the state system." Cairns and Bryer (1997) argue that humanitarian aid should be judged against IHL, which gives civilians certain basic rights, including protection in armed conflicts. Aid agencies should consider the various side-effects of their interventions, in order to asses the net impact and decide whether to work in any given situation. They have no responsibility to provide aid where the net impact is negative, or to those who violate international law. If governments fail in their responsibilities to protect civilians, this does not give aid agencies the responsibility of filling the vacuum, but it does mean that they should campaign for governments to act. Current Northern debate on support to citizens of countries in conflict is usually expressed in terms of charity, rather than as being a response to what people are doing for themselves. Aid agencies should help changing this. Still, Roberts (1996:58) may be right in his assertion that "the process of bringing human rights, especially protection from violence, into humanitarian activities reinforces the conclusion that in practice humanitarian and political activities cannot be completely separated." Furthermore, Roberts (1996) points out that realistically the implementation of IHL, or human-rights law, will require action against just one side of a conflict and hence jeopardising the principle of impartiality in delivering humanitarian assistance. This risk of politisation of humanitarian assistance is treated extensively by Macrae (1998): Macrae is very concerned with the tension between what she describes as "pure" humanitarianism and the increasing pressures on relief workers to become politically engaged by adopting developmental approaches and by seeking to actively resolve disaster-producing conflicts. Combining theory with case studies concerning the delivery of health and food aid in war zones, she argues that attempts to use relief aid as a tool for political engagement are fraught with practical and ethical difficulties. Not only are developmental goals elusive in conflict environments, but abandoning principles of neutrality and impartiality to determine the allocation of scarce resources increases the risk of aid being manipulated by warring parties and by donor governments (Macrae 1998). Finally, the views on the universality of human rights versus cultural
relativism may have to be qualified by extended human rights beyond that
of focusing entirely on the rights of the individual. Thomas and Reader
(1998) provide an interesting account of the claims of the universality of
human rights and the cultural relativists, who do not agree that a
transcultural moral foundation exists which can underpin interventions
with humanitarian or human rights objectives. Stremlau's (1998) assertion
that equal protection for all ethnic, cultural, and other groups is vital,
because differential protection for different groups within a state
increases the risks of deadly conflict, may bring this discussion further.
Thomas and Reader (1998) conclude that if a rule-based order informed by
universal morality is not possible, the minimum requirement should be that
decisions taken by the UN Security Council should be as democratic,
representative, transparent and accountable as possible. 4. About Linking Relief to DevelopmentAcknowledging the negative side effects of HAIs and the difficulties of implementing neutral and impartial aid programming in war situations, focus has increasingly been directed towards the so-called "relief-to-development continuum". This follows the trend of the 1990s where there has been an increase in multi-mandated UN operations as well as in non-mandated NGO operations in CPEs. Accompanying this trend is the perceived inevitability of working in conflict situations. Aid is now integrated in the dynamics of violence to an unprecedented extent (Duffield 1994). The interest in the continuum also reflects the concern that relief aid is often an inadequate and inappropriate response to CPEs (Bradbury et.al. 1997). Policy papers and evaluation reports from donor organisations and international development organizations are evidence of this increased focus on the linking continuum (Boyce 1994, UNDP 1994, UNDP 1995, USAID 1996, EC 1996, DAC 1997, UNDP Rwanda 1998, Sørbø et.al. 1998). The trend is also reflected by an extension of activities of specialised humanitarian agencies into the area of community development. For example the engagement of UNHCR in reintegration programmes for refugees. At the same time, specialized development agencies such as UNDP have extended their activities into war zones (Macrae 1998). Furthermore, the pressure on humanitarian agencies to extend their activities into conflict resolution and developmental programming is also an indication of another trend, namely that of subcontracting which implies delegation of responsibility from the political domain into the aid domain, and from the domain of international public action in to the privatized domain of international NGOs (Macrae 1998, Duffield 1998). The concept of the relief-to-development continuum stems from the natural disaster relief models, which conceive a linear progression from a state of crisis, through rehabilitation to development. The role of relief assistance is to sustain people through short-term periods of stress until the crisis is over, thereafter through rehabilitation, a normal process of development can be reconstructed (Bradbury et.al. 1997). There is also a greater and explicit interest in using aid as a tool in conflict management (Bradbury et.al. 1997). Thus, the idea of linking relief with development also stems from the argument that aid can contribute to peacemaking (Macrae 1998). The idea is that by linking relief with development aid, the risk of distorting local production, markets and livelihoods - and thus creating structures of dependency on relief aid - may be addressed. At the same time human security may also be provided for (Macrae 1998). The primary aim is hence not only to alleviate immediate suffering in conflicts, but also to promote developmental and political objectives. The approaches to the linking continuum are often technical-operational and pragmatic, with a focus on overcoming the troubles and dilemmas that relief agencies face when operating in complex emergencies. A cornerstone in these approaches is the work of Anderson and Woodrow (1989, re-published in 1998) which argue that while humanitarian action in conflict-situations must mitigate acute suffering, it must also conform with and incorporate the prospects of medium and long-term sustainable development and peace. It is important, however, to distinguish between relief in active war zones and during post-war periods. Most difficult to define are the grey zones of non-combat periods in civil conflicts and the transition periods from civil war to post-civil war. The difficulties of making such clear-cut dividing lines between immediate relief and long-term development aid has led to the increased interest in furthering the continuum from relief through development to peace (Weiss 1998). So, the linking continuum idea inherits a perception where relief is to be understood in developmental terms, but which does not relate to the social and political factors causing the emergencies in the first place (Duffield 1994). This factor contributes to the already problematic mixing of developmental and humanitarian objectives, which then can be intensified even further when developmental assistance is being used to prevent and resolve conflicts (Macrae 1998). The problems of linking relief with development and the earlier
experiences of doing so is increasingly a subject of debate, and the
official interests in the linking continuum thinking will certainly be
subject to future research. Generally the focus is on finding ways to
enhance local capacity-building in crisis-hit societies. The challenge is
to find ways where first relief inputs to emergencies do not undermine
post-conflict rebuilding efforts, and then maximize the outputs of
programmes, supporting the ability of societies to take care of themselves
in the transition periods after the armed conflicts have ended. 4.1 The Critique of Continuum ThinkingThe linking continuum idea sounds attractive, but has been subject to much criticism. In the first place it is asserted that there is not enough case-study evidence or sufficient theory-building for the purpose of operationalizing the continuum idea (Kumar 1997). But, the records so far, according to Munslow and Brown (1999), show that ensuring a succesful transition from relief to development has proved to be problematic. This is because reconstruction of institutional complexities tend to complicate complex emergencies still further and in some cases aid has even fuelled conflict (Sørbø et.al 1998, Uvin 1998). Combining peacekeeping with humanitarian assistance is particularly sensitive. Munslow and Brown assert that "humanitarian aid is becoming a major factor in the continuation of conflicts as it is perceived to be benefiting one section of a country or social group as opposed to another" (1999:221). Furthermore, the concept of developmentalism has proven incapable of explaining permanent emergency. The extent of the Western institutional accommodation with unresolved political crisis in the South is also underestimated (Munslow and Brown 1999). Furthermore, the linear developmental notion of the linking continuum from relief to reconstruction to rehabilitation to development has been heavily criticized for being operationally misleading, and for providing a false picture of development opportunities in CPEs (Bradbury et.al. 1997). Thus, a critical stance towards this approach is taken by authors who assert that the linking continuum thinking reflects a crisis in the theory of developmentalism (Duffield 1994 and 1997, Macrae 1997). The negative impact of development aid on conflict dynamics in weak states is illustrated by Peter Uvin in his analysis of the development enterprise in Rwanda and its indirect contribution to structural violence there (Uvin 1998). Several writers, therefore, caution against an uncritical application of the continuum to CPEs, and of rehabilitation in particular. This view is presented by Bradbury et.al. (1997) who are drawing on the experiences from Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS). They argue that in order to move legitimately from relief aid programming to development aid programming, three fundamental conditions must be in place: First, a minimum level of security, respect for human rights and humanitarian access. Second, empirical evidence from the field are needed to demonstrate that the emergency really is over. Finally, moving from relief to development aid programming is contingent by donor governments accepting the legitimacy of national governmental structures and of the rebel movements. In other words, moving along the continuum is, for donor governments, significantly determined by foreign policy considerations as well as technical ones. Furthermore, consideration must be given to the actual and perceived legitimation of the different movements that a move to rehabilitation might be seen to imply. If not, uncritical pursuit of development strategies, as in the case of Southern Sudan, may negatively affect the welfare of conflict-affected populations (Bradbury et al. 1997). Christoplos (1998b) agrees to the critique of the linear relief to development continuum, which does not respond to the tools of internationalised public welfare, because evidence shows that states are not reshouldering their traditional responsibilities to their citizenry after an emergency. He finds that, what he calls "the naive technocratic developmentalism" takes for granted that everything will get back on course. But the conclusion that we should therefore avoid rehabilitation and development is not equally self-evident. In his view a search for the remnants of integrity in the local civil service is necessary, but it must begin with an acknowledgement that integrity is not simply the 'natural state' for public services as what is implied in developmentalism (Christoplos 1998b). Another important critique of the continuum thinking is that both humanitarian and developmental aid, in different ways, may unintentionally exacerbate, sustain or even cause conflict. Humanitarian assistance may be mis-used by the belligerents directly as an instrument of war, as a cause for conflict, or indirectly by providing the necessary resources for keeping a conflict going and thereby becoming involved in the dynamics of the conflict and hence becoming a source of the conflict (Prendergast and Scott 1996). This applies particularly to development aid in CPEs, which therefore also risks to become an object which may be fought about in conflicts. This makes the idea of just returning to previous development approaches without rethinking the whole development aid concept seem headless. Development programming requires engagement with existing institutions in order to achieve long-term sustainable development. But existing authorities are more often the problem than the solution in terms of achieving security. Thus, to engage with them in order to provide public welfare and to organise the means of production may imply violation of humanitarian principles and would mean ignoring the role of existing governments in disaster creation (Macrae1998). By definition, in CPEs the pre-conditions for development and development aid programming are not in place. In sum, to provide resources to such regimes would be to effectively condone political violence and to increase the risk that international resources will be used contrary to the interests of war-affected victims (Maren 1997, Helander 1995). Indeed it is the object of warring parties to undermine the development of their opposition. If relief is not seen as neutral and impartial by warring parties, then they may claim that it is a legitimate target for attack (Macrae 1998). Finally, the linking continuum idea is criticised for not taking into
account of the principles of neutrality, when decisions are made to
rebuild structures for government, organisations etc, and therefore
conforms poorly with the values that underpin the ethics of
humanitarianism (Macrae 1996). Macrae (1998) describes the linking
continuum as a movement from a "pure" relief model - that is a model
designed to save lives, operating according to the principles of
neutrality and impartiality - towards one which explicitly engages in
wider political and developmental processes. Furthermore, she argues that
the linking continuum debate is also about whether humanitarian
interventions should strive to be neutral in their relation to conflict,
or rather aim at influencing the course of a given conflict, and whether
the aim should be either a rapid and impartial delivery of effective
services, or a contribution to long-term capacity building? The argument
is that only "pure" humanitarian assistance can be kept neutral and
impartial and hence not be involved in the conflict, whereas linking it to
developmental initiatives would jeopardize neutrality and impartiality
because such efforts would necessarily require attachment to specific
local organizations or institutions (Macrae 1998). Therefore, Macrae
(1998) questions whether humanitarian assistance can and should go beyond
its essentially palliative function. 4.2 MinimalismOne of the central tenets in the criticism of the so-called
'humanitarian international' is that more harm than good is caused when
agencies cooperate with local authorities or public service institutions
at various levels (Macrae 1998). Such criticism claims that channelling
aid through government 'intermediaries' rarely empowers those public
servants interested in a political contract with their clients, but is
instead contributing to authoritarian and military power structures (Keen
1994). Therefore, many current academic analyses of humanitarian
assistance in complex political emergencies are advising disengagement
from public services (Duffield 1996, Macrae 1998, Bradbury 1998). The
remedy is said to be minimalism, that is neutral and impartial minimalist
inputs of food and medicine, which is suggested as the best way of
avoiding to feed the flames of bad governance, violence and political
opportunism (Macrae 1998). It is often claimed that the minimalist course
of action is necessary since the international NGOs cannot tell the
difference between principled and parasitic local institutions due to
their ignorance of the local politico-economic context. The warlords
easily tap aid resources by manipulating the lofty development rhetoric of
the humanitarian international. Thus, relief should be delivered in a
manner, which is politically informed, but not politically driven, because
humanitarian assistance cannot be a substitute for political action
(JAEER1997, Sørbø et al. 1998). Increasingly, however, relief aid is being
used explicitly as a form of political action, whereby relief actors are
under pressure to take sides and to make decisions about preferred
outcomes. Maintaining the purity of the humanitarian purpose does not
imply pursuing relief programming in an uncritical manner, in particular
it does not imply acting in a politically ignorant manner. In other words,
the core principles of humanitarian action - neutrality and impartiality -
should be safeguarded (Macrae 1998). Maintaining the scope for the
humanitarian ideals in intervention will thus rely upon relief agencies
being politically informed, but not driven by the political agendas of
either powerful donor countries nor of political and military actors in
the affected countries (Macrae 1998). That political engagement is
necessary in order to address the root causes of conflict and to provide
political solutions is recognised by Macrae (1998). She finds, however,
that this should not be the job of the humanitarian agencies, as they have
neither the mandate nor the tools to do so. 4.3 A Critique of MinimalismThe minimalist is, without defending the relief-development continuum,
criticized by academics such as Christoplos (1998b), who find that by
disengaging, the local bureaucrats and social workers are abandoned.
Christoplos (1998b) agrees to the critique of gullible NGOs. However, he
finds that there are agencies which have gathered substantial working
experience in certain areas for a reasonably long period of time. Such
agencies are in a good position to identify those public servants who have
maintained their integrity and who can construct some form of political
contract. Furthermore, Christoplos finds that disengagement risks the
danger of simultaneously de-legitimising those public servants who are
struggling to retain their integrity. Separating aid from local
institutions is a course of action that actively weakens government and
local NGO services further, for instance by diverting manpower away from
local public service institutions into jobs assisting the expatriate
agencies. Hereby, the humanitarian international contribute actively to
the final collapse of what may be the remains of a social and political
contract between service providers and their clients. Thus, Christoplos
forwards Addo's critique of minimalism, which Addo (1996) describes as
"debilitating disengagement," and asks: "do minimalism mean that we
automatically should have expatriates to run the show?" (Christoplos
1998b). 4.4 Engagement, Disengagement or Structural ChangeMost of the current discourse juxtaposes the two positions of disengagement and minimalism on one hand and the optimistic view of the linking relief to development continuum on the other. Minimalism and disengagement are not, according to Christoplos, the answers to those who attempt to (re)establish a sense of integrity and mission among the remaining civil servants in weak or collapsed states. Furthermore, Christoplos asserts that accepting the critique of naïve developmentalism does not automatically imply that one must also buy the recommendations for minimalism and disengagement. Christoplos (1998b) rhetorically asks: "Need we ignore the developmental efforts of Somali humanitarians just because people are starving and the warlords are still in power?" As Slim (1998) has pointed out, the Northern humanitarian discourse too often assumes that humanitarianism is only 'our' problem, which simultaneously implies that local actors in the South cannot even pretend to assume a stance of pure neutrality. Thus, Ian Christoplos (1998b) calls for a search of how national and local humanitarianism can be understood and encouraged. Can agencies enter strategic alliances with selected actors, both bureaucrats and famine victims, without adapting to the naïve assumptions of the linking relief development continuum? Christoplos (1998b) finds that research between the grey areas of real-life institutions, where officials, traditional authorities and political leaders display complex blends of humanitarian and self-serving motivations, should be undertaken. He advocates that the creativity of field staff should be incorporated in such research programmes. As a "third way" between "minimalism" and "developmentalism" Christoplos forwards the hypothesis that humanitarian conditions in CPEs may be improved by supporting integrity and vision for reducing the vulnerability towards famine (Christoplos 1998b). Inspiration for this "third way" may be found by appreciating how people survive under the extraordinary circumstances of CPEs, and by seeing how local bureaucrats maintain a high degree of integrity in the midst of war and crumbling social contracts (de Waal 1989). These local bureaucrats may even be the moral role models which Slim suggests that humanitarian agencies should incorporate in their search for behavioural solutions to their dilemmas (Slim 1997a). Christoplos (1998b) finds that developmental relief is possible without the developmentalist pretension of believing that everything will soon return to 'normal'. He asserts that the most reflective NGOs find themselves struggling in a difficult realm trying creatively to find ways of providing relief and supporting local efforts at rehabilitating life out of conflict. Such NGOs do see that most of their local colleagues have integrity, and are struggling with what is left of the civil service to maintain and strengthen its integrity (Christoplos 1998b). A number of observers, taking highly contrasting points of departure, have begun sketching such alternative frameworks based on personal, social and cultural constructions. Paul Richards for instance (1996) provides some pointers for 'smart relief' drawing heavily on a search for links between aid and cultural norms of integrity, and the need to support individuals' personal struggles The question of how to move beyond the immediate efforts of doing no harm with relief aid and advance local participation in such ways that post-conflict societies can be rebuilt, is thus one of the core debates today. Central to this debate is the "do no harm" paradigm which discusses how international and local agencies can provide assistance to people in areas of violent conflict (Anderson 1996). Mary B. Anderson (1996) argues that aid should be given in ways that can help people to disengage from armed conflict and to develop alternative systems for overcoming the problems they face. One way of doing this is for aid agencies and aid workers to encourage local capacities for peace. This approach searches for a "good practice" on a practical and pragmatic real-life level and points to a set of methods on how NGOs can help local public servants maintain integrity while minimising opportunities for those with more devious intentions (Anderson 1996). What the above observers claim (and what they say the minimalist
perspective lacks) is a belief in human agency. If one believes in human
agency, there is hope for improving the performance of operational and
intermediate NGOs together with their local counterparts. If not,
the only option is to place all resources into the fight for structural
change through political action, advocacy and human rights. In contrast to
structural determinism, 'human agency' directs attention towards the
aspirations and organising capacities which actors combine in their own
problem-solving, survival and development strategies (Christoplos 1998b).
Rather than disengagement, they advocate that a moral commitment to human
agency can and should replace the naïve faith in developmentalism instead
of resorting to minimalism or macro-level structural change. They call for
methods of selective engagement by carefully choosing local counterparts.
However, the circle then seems ended, because this requires that the
chosen local counterparts are not a threat to other local authorities or
warlords, and are truly perceived as neutral and legitimate by the locals,
on both sides of a conflict. 4.5 Post-conflict Rehabilitation and RebuildingFollowing the increased need for research about how to rehabilitate and rebuild war-torn societies, literature about such issues is also "booming". But, reviewing the most recent research, Carbonnier (1998) reveals that there is no blueprint for rebuilding war-torn economies. The specific circumstances of each country must be carefully analysed and the rationale behind every conflict properly understood, if appropriate rebuilding strategies are to be worked out. The author concludes that some of the most fundamental aspects of post-conflict rebuilding have been overlooked, mainly because they do not fit into the prevailing paradigm. For instance some of the basic assumptions underlying traditional economic theory (e.g. rational economic behavior of individuals) are starkly contrasted by the reality of war-torn societies. It is then argued that political stability should actually prevail over economic efficiency, when post-conflict policies are made, because the achieved reconstruction efforts are nullified if war starts again. Furthermore, a minimum level of stability and predictability is a precondition for confidence among investors and consumers to restart economic activities. The War-Torn Societies Project (WSP) should be mentioned in this context. WSP being a joint project under the United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) and the Programme for Strategic and International Security Studies (PSIS) it aims at helping societies emerging from major political conflict to identify, and prioritise the challenges facing them, and to explore how the international community can assist them to overcome those challenges of consolidating achieved security and to reconstruct the war-torn societal structures (Stiefel 1998). To do this WSP takes on participatory action-research projects in five selected countries: Eritrea, -Mozambique, Guatemala, Northeast Somalia and through a local affiliate the Somaliland Center for Peace and Development (SCPD) in Northwest Somalia (also called Somaliland). Reconstruction, rehabilitation and reconciliation are the major tasks
facing war-torn societies. No doubt that research in close connection to
those practically engaged in such efforts will be crucial for the success
of these countries in becoming stable productive societies. It is not at
least challenging because experience shows that the risks of major
set-backs, just as things seem to go right, is always a possibility in
fragile and war-torn societies. 5. Operational Issues: Principles of Humanitarian PracticeSpecific outcomes of the humanitarian moral debates are expressed in the increased formulations of "humanitarian principles" and notably "codes of conduct in order to operationalise the ethical values for humanitarian action." Examples include the Mohonk Criteria and Code of Conduct of the ICRC. Codes of conduct for specific CPEs have also been adopted. For instance the "Code of Conduct for International Rehabilitation and Development Assistance to Somalia" which was drawn up by the Somali Aid Coordination Body (SACB) comprising donors, UN agencies and international NGOs, based on the Addis Ababa Declaration from 1993. The SACB outlines in a document from 1995 the main principles of interaction between the international agencies, Somali people and authorities (SACB 1995).In his paper, Lancaster (1998) attempts to show how ethics can be transformed into codes of conduct. In order of making a code of conduct becoming influential it is essential that it is being processed through intense dialogue with the parties in concern. Lancaster asserts that it is important that a given code is "owned" by both the agencies and its practitioners. It is more unclear, however, how the recipients, or "victims", of assistance can influence the codes of conduct. The SACB, can be seen as such an attempt to include the parties in a conflict, in order to have them embracing and respecting a code of conduct as well. In situations where states have collapsed, or states do not seem to
constitute a legitimate authority, the common response by the
international community has been the use of NGOs, with the effect of
simultaneously globalising and privatising the responsibility for meeting
the basic needs of the populations in question. In this context it is no
longer clear who is responsible for determining the allocation of
resources, by what mechanism they should be distributed, and who will be
responsible in the long-term for the provision of basic services and the
maintenance of law and order (Macrae 1998). Thus a new set of questions
arise (Macrae 1998): How can accountability for decisions regarding the
distribution of relief resources be achieved? And, if the key principles
of neutrality and impartiality are abandoned: how can decisions be made?
Unfortunately, as Hugo Slim (1997b:344) asserts, the specific codes of
conduct adopted, so far, are lacking "the kind of clarity, brevity, and
irresistible persuasiveness which might impress militiamen at checkpoints
or convince a beleaguered government enduring the attacks of a rebel
army." 6 Conclusion: Breaking the Waves?With many regions of the world today caught up in a state of protracted crisis, questions are increasingly being asked about what the international community's commitment to respond to acute human suffering, wherever it occurs, and to address its underlying causes, amount to. There seems to be a dual process in which a humanitarian sentiment and discourse prevails at the very same that the rich countries of the global centre regions tend to disengage from the marginalised regions in which most CPEs occur (Olsen 1998). This is reflected in declining levels of relief assistance and the manipulation of aid by donor governments in support of strategic and geo-political objectives (Hendrickson 1998). Most recently the geo-political bias of the dominant powers of the international community is reflected in the diversion of humanitarian assistance as well as means for post-war development means from CPEs in the Third World to the Kosovo in Europe. However, the relief agenda today has also emerged with a claim that at best relief aid does not contribute to solutions and at worst may fuel conflict (Sørbø et al. 1998, UNDP Rwanda 1998). In response to such assertions, new developmentalist models of humanitarian assistance are being implemented today which posit a quick return to peaceful development. In some cases, it is argued, these are simply a cover for reductions in relief assistance (Hendrickson 1998). In a context of continuing violence, and with the additional resources needed to bring about genuine development not forthcoming, populations are often left in a situation of extreme vulnerability. The shortcomings of current responses to crisis by the international community stem from a failure to recognise key features of the new environment in which aid is being delivered today. The internal analysis of conflicts and the search for local solutions tend to disregard the systemic and protracted nature of current armed conflicts. The gravity of the protracted crises in many countries today suggests that governments need to engage more actively and genuinely with the underlying causes. The humanitarian community itself has a key role to play in bringing about this political response. The current debate on humanitarian assistance interventions to complex political emergencies (CPEs) has revealed that the international humanitarian community is mainly preoccupied with the pragmatic and palliative approaches to the ongoing CPEs. The ambition seems to be to find ways of "breaking the waves", but not to stop them from coming. The major approach of the 1990s, namely the linking relief to development continuum is, as UNDP Rwanda states in their paper from 1998, widely recognised to be ineffective as a model for dealing with CPEs (UNDP Rwanda 1998). Furthermore, the mixed experiences of humanitarian military interventions has questioned the international paradigms of state sovereignty and international law which prevailed in the 20th century. The current trends concerning humanitarian action towards the 21st century are deeply concerned with the moral and ethical aspects of humanitarianism which seem to be reflected in the workings of international relations. New approaches will also have to acknowledge the character of modern "uncivil-conflicts" (Snow 1996?) and the specific dynamics of every single CPE (Reno 1998). Thus, acknowledged is also the need to enhance the creative abilities of humanitarian agencies in responding and acting appropriately towards every specific CPE, which requires profound understanding of their internal dynamics. This also means that a major challenge will be to bridge the gap between the perceived universalistic values in both the international humanitarian and human rights law with the local culturally diverse optics. Confusion and disagreement about the right humanitarian position prevails, however. Even though much has happened, since Duffield, Macrae and Zwi in 1994 called for more "appropriate patterns of response by local and international institutions and agencies," it may be questioned whether the trends towards increased use of task-sharing with regional security arrangements, subcontracting NGOs and privatisation of service provisions will be the most appropriate measures towards CPEs (Macrae and Zwi eds. 1994:232). In the context where CPEs tend to occur in the marginalised areas of our common world (Olsen 1998), humanitarian assistance interventions may be developed into precisely the selective instruments to contain international security risks which the global centres will need in the 21st century (Duffield 1998). The question that somewhat pessimistic do remain is: Will we ever get beyond breaking the waves?
Part 31. Introduction to the BibliographyThis bibliography is about the literature on humanitarian assistance interventions to the complex political emergencies (CPEs) of the 1990´s, and which is of primarily political science and research relevance. The current debate is emphasised which means that the thematic adaptation concentrates on articles and books published in the period 1996-1998 inclusively. The bibliography in Part 3 contains two parts. In the first part the literature is divided into themes, reflecting the themes presented in the literature survey of Part 1 and 2. The second part is an alphabetic bibliography with all the literature, encompassing both reviewed and unreviewed works. Part three also includes an overview of links to the "humanitarian network" which can be accessed through the internet version of the working paper. 2. Criteria for SelectionThe reviewed literature comprise mainly works published in 1997 and 1998, with a few important exceptions. The bibliography, however, may include older works when such works seems to have continued relevance and importance. However, such inclusion has been applied sporadically and not systematically. By political science relevance is meant literature that relates to issues which usually are treated by political science. Thus, literature that is purely economical, juridical, technical-operational, medical or within natural science is not included in the thematic survey. It should be noticed however that there are plenty of floating cross-cutting issues, and the demarcation therefore is taken as a matter of opinion for its relevance and importance for the current debate. By research relevance is meant literature which is not written with a polemic purpose, and is therefore not included systematically. However, most of the works included may be characterised by being academic contributions to the ongoing academic debate Factual works like statistical overviews are not included. Evaluations are however included in the thematic bibliography, but has not been searched for systematically. Political deliberations, and policy papers have likewise not been included. The following databases has been systematically explored: The Centre for Development Research (CDR) Library Database at . The electronic development and environment information system (ELDIS) at http://www.ids.ac.uk/, The British Library for Development Studies (BLDS) at http://www.ids.ac.uk/ The Danish Royal Library (Rex) at http://www.kb.bib.dk/, The Swedish Royal Library (Libris) at http://www.libris.kb.se/ and the War-Torn Societies (WSP) Database at http://www.unrisd.org/. A comprehensive overview of existing literature like research reports, non-publicised working papers or papers publicised in limited editions by universities, institutes etc. have not within the economic framework of this study been possible to trace nor to provide. Thus, this bibliography is not preemptive, but is still a comprehensive survey, which hopefully can form a basis for further literature searches. Linguistically the searched literature concentrates on English literature. This does not mean that no literature of relevance exists in other languages. But, only in the cases where I sporadically have come across interesting and relevant literature in French, German and the Nordic languages have these been added to the survey. Articles have been included selectively. Only the following periodicals
have been systematically examined: The Journal of Humanitarian Assistance,
Disasters - The Journal of Disaster Studies, Development in Practice: an
Oxfam Journal, and Third World Quarterly. 3. Links to the Humanitarian NetworkIn the internet version the resources emphasised below can be linked to
by double clicking on them. The lists are not preemptory, but should be
sufficiently comprehensive in order to create ones own relevant system of
bookmarks. Note that links unfortunately are not static and tend to change
over time. Therefore, if you encounter links which no longer works please
notify the author or the Centre for Development Research so that the links
can be updated. Good Luck! 3.1 Research institutionsAfrican Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD), Durban Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict, Washington DC Center for Refugee Studies, York University Centre for Development Research, Copenhagen Christian Michelsen Institute, Bergen Copenhagen Peace Research Institute Danish Institute of International Affairs Human rights and humanitarian aid Humanitarianism and War Project, Brown University Initiative on Conflict Resolution and Ethnicity (INCORE), Londonderry Institute of Political Science, University of Copenhagen International Peace Academy, New York Life & Peace Institute, Uppsala Nordic Africa Institute, Uppsala The Institute of Development Studies The London School of Economics and Political Science Transnational Foundation for Peace and Future Research, Lund University of Wales Aberystwyth WZB - Social Science Research Center
Berlin 3.2 Journals, Periodicals, Publications and News NetworksJournal of Humanitarian Assistance Other reports and publications Relief and Rehabilitation Network 3.3 Major International OrganisationsEuropean Council on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE) European Community Humanitarian Office (ECHO) North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) OECD-DAC - Development Assistance Committe Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) Food and Agriculture Organzation of the UN (FAO) UN Development Programme (UNDP) World Health Organization
(WHO) 3.4 International Non-Governmental OrganisationsAction by Churches Together (ACT) Action Internationale Contre le Faim (AICF) Action d'Urgence Internationale Adventist Development and Relief Agency (ADRA) Caritas Schweiz-Suisse-Svizerra Catholic Relief Services (CRS) German Agency for Technical assistance (GTZ) Human Rights Watch - Home Page International Federation of the Red Cross (IFRC) International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) International Cooperation for Development (ICD) International Organization of Migration (IOM) Lutheran World Federation (LWF) Medicins Sans Frontieres (MSF) ReliefWeb links to Humanitarian Organizations 3.5 Public Accessible DatabasesWar-Societies Project Database Centre for Development Research Library British Library for Development Studies 4. Thematic BibliographyThe thematic bibliography is ordered so that the themes corresponds
roughly the sections in Part 1 and 2. 4.1 Introducing and Discerning the ThemesHarriss, John (ed.) (1995) The Politics Of Humanitarian Intervention, Pinter, London/New York Hybertsen, Bente, Gro Tjore, Emery Brusset, Bruce Jones and Astri Suhrke (1998) Humanitarian Assistance and Conflict : A-State-of-the-Art Report, Chr. Michelsen Institute, Report 2 Macrae, Joanna (1996) The Origins of Unease : Setting the Context of the Current Ethical Debate, Background Paper I for the Forum on Ethics in Humanitarian Aid, Dublin 9-10 December, 1996 Mayall, James (ed.) (1996) The New Interventionism, 1991-1994, Cambridge University Press Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed.) (1998) World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan Roberts, Adam (1996) Humanitarian Action in War : Aid, Protection and Impartiality in a Policy Vacuum, Oxford University Press, International Institute for Strategic Studies, Adelphi Papers No. 305 Slim, Hugo (1998) International Humanitarianism's Engagement with Civil War in the 1990s : A Glance at Evolving Practice and Theory, A Briefing Paper for Actionaid UK, Centre for Development and Emergency Practice, Oxford Brookes University, 19 December 1997, posted in Journal of Humanitarian Affairs in March http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a565.htm Weiss, Thomas G. (1998b) Humanitarian Action
i War Zones : Recent Experience and Future Research, pp.24-79 in Nederveen
Pieterse, Jan (ed) (1998), World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian
Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies,
Macmillan 4.2 The Humanitarian TerminologiesCliffe, Lionel, and Robin Luckham (1999) Complex Political Emergencies and the State : Failure and the Fate of the State, pp-27-50 in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1, Special Issue on Complex Political Emergencies Duffield, Mark (1998a) Containing Systemic Crisis : The Regionalization of Welfare and Security Policy, pp.80-110 in Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed 1998), World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan Middleton, Neil, and Phil O'Keefe (1998) Disaster and Development - The Politics of Humanitarian Aid, Pluto Nafziger, E. Wayne (1996) The Economics of Complex Humanitarian Emergencies : Preliminary Approaches and Findings, World Institute for Development Economics Research, Helsinki, WIDER (UNU) Working Paper No. 119 Parekh, Bhikhu (1998) Rethinking Humanitarian Intervention, pp.138-169 in Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed 1998), World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan Pearce, Jenny (1999) Peace-building in the Periphery : Lessons from Central America, pp.51-68 Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1, Special Issue on Complex Political Emergencies Pedersen, Nina (1997) Evalueringsmetoder til nødhjælp. - også til de komplekse nødhjælpssituationer i Afrika, Occasional Paper, Centre of African Studies, University of Copenhagen, September 1997 TWQ (1999) Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1,
Special Issue on Complex Political Emergencies 4.3 The Contemporary Global ContextAfrican Rights (1994) Humanitarianism Unbound, London, African Rights Baylis, John, and Steve Smith (eds) (1997) The Globalisation of World Politics. An Introduction to International Relations, Oxford Boutroue, Joel (1998) Missed Opportunities : The Role Of The International Community In The Return Of The Rwanda Refugees From Eastern Zaire, Working Paper, The Rosemarie Rogers WP Series, MIT City, Cambridge MA Diehl, Paul F. (ed.) (1997) The Politics of Global Governance : International Organizations in an Interdependent World, Boulder, Lynne Rienner Duffield, Mark (1998) NGO Relief in War Zones : Toward an Analysis of the New Aid Paradigm, pp.139-159 in Weiss, Thomas G. (ed.) Beyond UN Subcontracting - Task-sharing with Regional Security Arrangements and Service Providing NGOs, Macmillan Harriss, John (ed.) (1995) The Politics Of Humanitarian Intervention, Pinter, London/New York Holm, Hans-Henrik, and Georg Sørensen (1995) Whose World Order?, Westview Press Holsti, Kalevi J. (1997) Political Sources of Humanitarian Emergencies, World Institute for Development Economics Research, Helsinki, Research for Action No. 36, UN-WIDER Series, UNU/WIDER Hoogveldt, Ankie (1997) Globalisation and the Postcolonial World, The New Political Economy of Development, Macmillan Keegan, J (1993) A History of Warfare, Pimlico, London. Maren, Michael (1997) The Road to Hell - The Ravaging Effects of Foreign Aid and International Charity, The Free Press Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed.) (1998) World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan Slim, Hugo (1998) International Humanitarianism's Engagement with Civil War in the 1990s : A Glance at Evolving Practice and Theory, A Briefing Paper for Actionaid UK, Centre for Development and Emergency Practice, Oxford Brookes University, 19 December 1997, posted in Journal of Humanitarian Affairs in March http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a565.htm Weiss, Thomas G. (1998b) Humanitarian Action
i War Zones : Recent Experience and Future Research, pp.24-79 in Nederveen
Pieterse, Jan (ed) (1998), World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian
Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies,
Macmillan 4.4 Causes and Nature of Complex EmergenciesAdekanye, J. (1995) Structural Adjustment, Democratization and Rising Ethnic Tensions in Africa, pp. 355-374 in Development and Change, Vol. 26, No. 2 Ake, Claude (1996) Democracy and Development in Africa, Brookings Institution Press Ake, Claude (1997) Why Humanitarian Emergencies Occur : Insights from the Interface of State, Democracy and Civil Society, World Institute for Development Economics Research, Helsinki, WIDER (UNU) Research for Action Series. No. 31 Annan, Kofi (1998) Report by the Secretary-General of the United Nations on Africa. The Causes of Conflict and the Promotion of Durable Peace and Sustainable Development in Africa, http://www.un.org/ecosocdev/geninfo/afrec/sgreport/report.htm posted on April 1998 Atkinson, Philippa (1997) The War Economy in Liberia : A Political Analysis. Relief and Rehabilitation Network (RRN), Paper 22 Bayart, Jean-Francois, Stephen Ellis and Béatrice Hibou (1998) The Criminalisation of the State in Africa, Indiana University Press Berman, Bruce J. (1998) Ethnicity, Patronage and the African State : The Politics of Uncivil Nationalism, pp.305-341 in African Affairs, Vol. 97 Boutroue, Joel (1998) Missed Opportunities : The Role Of The International Community In The Return Of The Rwanda Refugees From Eastern Zaire, Working Paper, The Rosemarie Rogers WP Series, MIT City, Cambridge MA Boyce, James K., and Manuel Pastor (1997) The Political Economy of Complex Humanitarian Emergencies : Lessons from El Salvador, World Institute for Development Economics Research, Helsinki, WIDER (UNU) Working Papers No. 131 Brown, Michael E., Owen R. Coté Jr., Sean M. Lynn-Jones and Steven E. Miller (eds) (1997) Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict, MIT Chabal, Patrick, and Jean-Pascal Daloz (1998) African Works Disorder as Political Instrument, African Rights/James Currey, London/Oxford Chife, Aloy (1997) The Political Economy of Post-Cold War Africa, Lampeter Clapham, Christopher (1996) Africa and the International System. The Politics of State Survival, Cambridge University Press Cliffe, Lionel, and Robin Luckham (1999) Complex Political Emergencies and the State : Failure and the Fate of the State, pp-27-50 in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1, Special Issue on Complex Political Emergencies Cremer, Georg (1998) Humanitarian Aid for Warlords? The Dilemma of Relief Organizations in Violent Conflict Situations, Forum, D+C, No. 5, 1998 de Waal, Alex (1997) Famine Crimes - Politics and the Disaster Relief Industry in Africa, African Rights/James Currey, London/Oxford Duffield, Mark (1994) Complex Emergencies and the Crisis of Developmentalism, in IDS Bulletin, Vol. 25, No. 4 Duffield, Mark (1998a) Containing Systemic Crisis : The Regionalization of Welfare and Security Policy, pp.80-110 in Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed.) (1998), World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan Duffield, Mark (1998c) Post-modern Conflict : Warlords, Post-adjustment States and Private Protection, pp.65-102 in Civil Wars, Vol. 1, No. 1 Emizet, Kisangani N.F. (1997) Zaire after Mobutu : A Case of Humanitarian Emergency, World Institute for Development Economics Research, Helsinki, WIDER (UNU) Research for Action No. 32 FitzGerald, E. (1997). Paying for the War : Macroeconomic Stabilization in Poor Countries under Conflict Conditions, pp. 43-64 in Oxford Development Studies, Special issue, Vol. 25, No. 1 FitzGerald, E., and F. Stewart (eds) (1997 ) War, Economy and Society, Oxford Development Studies, Special issue, Vol. 25, No. 1 Goodhand, Jonathan, and David Hulme (1999) From Wars to Complex Political Emergencies : Understanding Conflict and Peace-Building in the New World Disorder, pp.13-26 in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1, Special Issue on Complex Political Emergencies Green, R. (1991) Neo-liberalism and the Political Economy of War : Sub-Saharan Africa as a Case of a Vacuum, in Colclough, C., and J. Manor (eds) States or Markets? Neo-liberalism and the Development Policy Debate, Oxford, Clarendon Press Haluani, M. (1996). The Regional Dimensions of the Causes of Conflict : Latin America, in Van de Goor, L., K. Rupesinghe and P. Sciarone (eds) Between Development and Destruction : An Inquiry into the Causes of Conflict in Post-Colonial States, New York, St. Martin's Press Harriss, John (ed.) (1995) The Politics Of Humanitarian Intervention, Pinter, London/New York Holsti, Kalevi J. (1996a) The State, War, and the State of War, Cambridge Holsti, Kalevi J. (1996b) The Political Sources Of Humanitarian Disasters, Conference Paper, UNU/WIDER Holsti, Kalevi J. (1997) Political Sources of Humanitarian Emergencies, World Institute for Development Economics Research, Helsinki, Research for Action No. 36, UN-WIDER Series, UNU/WIDER Holsti, Kalevi J. (1998) International Theory and Wars within States : The Limits of Relevance. In Neuman, Stephanie G. (ed.), International Relations Theory and the Third World, New York, St. Martin's Press Houweling, H. (1996). Destabilizing Consequences of Sequential Development, in Van de Goor, L., K. Rupesinghe and P. Sciarone (eds) Between Development and Destruction : An Inquiry into the Causes of Conflict in Post-Colonial States, New York, St. Martin's Press Jean, F. and J.-C. Rufin (eds) (1996) Economie des guerres civiles, Paris, Hachette Kaplan, Robert (1994) The Coming Anarchy, pp.44-76 in The Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 273, No. 2 Lewis, Ioan M. (1997) Making History in Somalia : Humanitarian Intervention in a Stateless Society, pp.8-29 in Horn of Africa : An Independent Journal, Vol. 15, Nos.1-4 Luling, Virgina (1997) Come Back Somalia? Questioning a Collapsed State, pp.287-302 in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 18, No. 2 Maren, Michael (1997) The Road to Hell - The Ravaging Effects of Foreign Aid and International Charity, The Free Press Médecins Sans Frontières, Holland (1997) World in Crisis : The Politics of Survival at the End of the Twentieth Century, London, New York, Routledge Meeren, Rachel van der (1996) The Rwandan Emergency : Causes, Responses, Solutions? / Rachel van der Meeren ... [et al.], pp.233-342 in Journal of Refugee Studies / Refugee Studies Programme, University of Oxford, Vol. 9, No. 3 Middleton, Neil, and Phil O'Keefe (1998) Disaster and Development - The Politics of Humanitarian Aid, Pluto Nafziger, E. Wayne (1996) The Economics of Complex Humanitarian Emergencies : Preliminary Approaches and Findings, World Institute for Development Economics Research, Helsinki, WIDER (UNU) Working Paper No. 119 Nafziger, E. Wayne, and Juha Auvinen (1997) War, Hunger, and Displacement : An Econometric Investigation into the Sources of Humanitarian Emergencies, World Institute for Development Economics Research, Helsinki, WIDER (UNU) Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed.) (1998) World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan Osaghae, Eghosa E. (1996) Ethnicity, Class and the Struggle for State Power in Liberia, Monograph Series 1/96, CODESRIA, Dakar Outram, Quentin (1997a) Cruel Wars and Safe Havens : Humanitarian Aid in Liberia 1989 - 1996, pp.189-205 in Disasters, The Journal of Disaster Studies, Policy and Management, Vol. 21, No. 3 Outram, Quentin (1997b) It´s Terminal Either Way : An Analysis of Armed Conflict in Liberia 1989-1996, in ROAPE, Vol. 24, No. 73 Reno, William (1995a) Reinvention of an African Patrimonial State : Charles Taylors Liberia, in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 16, No. 1 Reno, William (1995b) Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone, Cambridge Reno, William (1995c) Markets, War, and the Reconfiguration of Political Authority in Sierra Leone, Canadian Journal of African Studies, Vol. 29, No. 2 Reno, William (1997a) African Weak States and Commercial Alliances, in African Affairs, Vol. 96, No. 383 Reno, William (1997b) Humanitarian Emergencies and Warlord Economies in Liberia and Sierra Leone, World Institute for Development Economics Research, Helsinki, WIDER Reno, William (1998) Warlord Politics and African States, Rienner Richards, Paul (1996) Fighting for the Rain Forest : War, Youth & Resources in Sierra Leone, London, International African Institute, Heinemann Segovia, A. (1996). The War Economy of the 1980s, in Boyce, J. (ed.) Economic Policy for Building Peace : The Lessons of El Salvador, Boulder, CO, and London, Lynne Rienner Publishers Snow, Donald M. (1996) Uncivil Wars - International Security and the New Internal Conflicts, Lynne Rienner, Boulder/London Sørensen, Georg (1997a), Svage stater : en introduktion, in Politica, Vol. 29, No. 2 Stavenhagen, R., ed, (1996). Ethnic Conflict and the Nation-State, New York, St. Martin's Press Stewart, Frances (1998) The Root Causes of Conflict, Queen Elizabeth House Working Paper Series, No. 16, University of Oxford Stewart, Frances, et al. (1997). Civil Conflict in Developing Countries over the Last Quarter of a Century : An Empirical Overview of Economic and Social Consequences, in Oxford Development Studies, Special issue, Vol. 25, No. 1 Van de Goor, L., K. Rupesinghe and P. Sciarone (eds) (1996) Between Development and Destruction : An Inquiry into the Causes of Conflict in Post-Colonial States, New York, St. Martin's Press Zartman, I. William (ed.) (1995) Collapsed States : The Disintegration and
Restoration of Legitimate Authority, Boulder, CO, and London, Lynne Rienner
Publishers 4.5 New Humanitarian Era and Aid ParadigmBelgrad, Eric A. (1997) The Politics of Humanitarian Aid, pp.3-18 in Belgrad, Eric A., and Nitza Nachmias (eds) The Politics of International Humanitarian Aid Operations, Westport/ Praeger de Waal, Alex (1997) Famine Crimes - Politics and the Disaster Relief Industry in Africa, African Rights/James Currey, London/Oxford Duffield, Mark (1997) NGO Relief in War Zones : Toward an Analysis of the New Aid Paradigm, in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 18, No. 3, 1997 Duffield, Mark (1998) NGO Relief in War Zones : Toward an Analysis of the New Aid Paradigm, pp.139-159 in Weiss, Thomas G. (ed.) Beyond UN Subcontracting - Task-sharing with Regional Security Arrangements and Service Providing NGOs, Macmillan Duffield, Mark (1998a) Containing Systemic Crisis : The Regionalization of Welfare and Security Policy, pp.80-110 in Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed.) (1998), World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan Duffield, Mark (1998b) Aid Policy and Post-Modern Conflict : A Critical Review, posted May 1998. in RRN newsletter 11, http://www.oneworld.org/odi/rrn/newslet11/article2.htm Harriss, John (ed.) (1995) The Politics Of Humanitarian Intervention, Pinter, London/New York Holm, Hans-Henrik, and Georg Sørensen (1995) Whose World Order?, Westview Press Jessop, Bob (1994) The Transition to Post-Fordism and the Schumpterian Workfare State, pp.13-37 in Burrows, R., and B. Loader (eds), Towards a Post-Fordist Welfare State?, London, Routledge Middleton, Neil, and Phil O'Keefe (1998) Disaster and Development - The Politics of Humanitarian Aid, Pluto Slim, Hugo (1998) International Humanitarianism's Engagement with Civil War in the 1990s : A Glance at Evolving Practice and Theory, A Briefing Paper for Actionaid UK, Centre for Development and Emergency Practice, Oxford Brookes University, 19 December 1997, posted in Journal of Humanitarian Affairs in March 1998 http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a565.htm Väyrynen, Raimo (1996) The Age of Humanitarian Emergencies, World Institute for Development Economics Research , Helsinki, WIDER (UNU) Working Papers No. 119 Väyrynen, R (1996) The Age of Humanitarian Emergencies,
WIDER Research for Action No 25, UN University. 4.6 Legitimizing Humanitarian Interventions and SovereigntyCerny, Philip G. (1998) Neomedievalism, Civil War and the New Security Dilemma : Globalisation as Durable Disorder, pp.36-64 in Civil Wars, Vol. 1, No. 1 Deng, F.M., S. Kimaro, T. Lyons, D. Rothchild and I.W. Zartman (1996 ) Sovereignty As Responsibility - Conflict Management In Africa, Book, Brookings Institution, Washington D.C. Duffield, Mark (1998) NGO Relief in War Zones : Toward an Analysis of the New Aid Paradigm, pp.139-159 in Weiss, Thomas G. (ed.) Beyond UN Subcontracting - Task-sharing with Regional Security Arrangements and Service Providing NGOs, Macmillan Götze, Catherine (1998) No Title, Mimeo, Paper presented at the ECPR-ISA Joint Conference, Vienna, 16-19 September Harriss, John (ed.) (1995) The Politics Of Humanitarian Intervention, Pinter, London/New York Mills, K. (1997) Sovereignty Eclipsed? : The Legitimacy of Humanitarian Access and Intervention, in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a012.htm reposted on 4 July 1997 Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed.) (1998) World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan Olonisakin, Funmi, and Emmanuel Kwesi Aning (1999) Humanitarian Intervention and Human Rights : The Contradictions in ECOMOG, in The International Journal of Human Rights, Vol. 3, No. 1 Ramsbotham, Oliver, and Tom Woodhouse (1996) Humanitarian Intervention in Contemporary Conflict : A Reconceptualization, Polity Press Parekh, Bhikhu (1998) Rethinking Humanitarian Intervention, pp.138-169 in Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed ) (1998) World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan Parekh, B. (1997) Rethinking Humanitarian Intervention, International Political Science Review, Vol. 18, No. 1 Slim, Hugo (1997b) Relief Agencies and Moral Standing in War : Principles of Humanity, Neutrality, Impartiality and Solidarity, pp.342-352 in Development in Practice : an Oxfam Journal, Vol. 7, No. 4 Stremlau, John (1998) People in Peril : Human Rights, Humanitarian Action, and Preventing Deadly Conflict, Report to the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict, posted 6 September 1998 in the Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/b/b014.htm Thomas, Caroline, and Melvyn Reader (1998) Human Rights and Intervention : A Case for Caution, pp.111-137 in Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed) (1998) World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan Verwey, Wil D. (1998) Humanitarian Intervention in the 1990s and Beyond : An International Law Perspective, pp. 180-210 in Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed) (1998), World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan Weiss, Thomas G. (1998b) Humanitarian Action
i War Zones : Recent Experience and Future Research, pp.24-79 in Nederveen
Pieterse, Jan (ed) (1998), World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian
Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies,
Macmillan 4.7 Containing Security Risks: Humanitarian InterventionAall, Pamela (1997) Managing Global Chaos - Sources Of And Responses To International Conflict, Book, United States Institute of Peace, Washington D.C. Adeleke, A (1995) The Politics and Diplomacy of Peacekeeping in West Africa : The ECOWAS Operation in Liberia, in Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 33, No. 4 Adeniji, Olu (1997) Mechanisms for Conflict Management in West Africa : Politics of Harmonization, ACCORD Occasional Paper 1/97, posted on 15 October 1997 in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a258.htm Adibe, Clement E. (1998) The Liberian Conflict and the ECOWAS-UN Partnership, pp.67-90 in Weiss, Thomas G. (ed.) Beyond UN Subcontracting - Task-sharing with Regional Security Arrangements and Service Providing NGOs, Macmillan African Rights (1994) Humanitarianism Unbound, London, African Rights Allan, Tony, and Alan Nicol (1998) Water Resources, Prevention Of Violent Conflict And The Coherence Of EU Policies In The Horn Of Africa, Discussion Paper, Saferworld Alagappa, Muthiah (1998) Regional Arrangements, the UN, and International Security : a Framework for Analysis, pp.3-29 in Weiss, Thomas G. (ed.) Beyond UN Subcontracting - Task-sharing with Regional Security Arrangements and Service Providing NGOs, Macmillan Aning, Emmanuel Kwesi (1997) The International Dimensions of Internal Conflict : The Case of Liberia and West Africa, Centre for Development Research, CDR Working Paper 97:4 Attali, J. (1997). Economic and Social Dimensions of Preventing Conflicts, in The Aspen Institute, Conflict Prevention : Strategies to Sustain Peace in the Post-Cold War World, Washington, DC, The Aspen Institute. Ayoob, Mohammed (1995) The Third World Security Predicament. State Making, Regional Conflict, and the International System, Lynne Rienner Ball, N. (1996). International Economic Actors, in Kanet, R., and E. Kolodziej (eds) Coping with Conflict after the Cold War, London, The Johns Hopkins University Press Ball, N., and T. Halevy (1996). Making Peace Work : The Role of the International Development Community, Policy Essay No. 18, Overseas Development Council, Washington, DC. Belgrad, Eric A., and Nitza Nachmias (eds) (1997) The Politics of International Humanitarian Aid Operations, Westport/ Praeger Brabant, Koenraad Van (1998) Cool Ground for Aid Providers : Towards Better Security Management in Aid Agencies, pp.109-125 in Disasters, Vol. 22, No. 2 Brinkman, Major-General Rtd J.W. (1998) Humanitarian Intervention : A Military View, pp.170-179 in Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed) (1998) World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies , Macmillan Clapham, Christopher (1996a) Africa and the International System. The Politics of State Survival, Cambridge Clapham, Christopher (1996b) The Perils of Peace-Making, Paper from African Studies Conference of the United Kingdom, Biennial Conference, University of Bristol, 9-11 September Clarke, Walter, and Jeffrey Herbst (eds) (1997) Learning From Somalia - The Lessons Of Armed Humanitarian Intervention, Westview Press, Boulder Colleta, N., Kostner, M. and Widerhofer, I. (1996a). The Transition from War to Peace in Sub-Saharan Africa, Washington, DC, The World Bank Collins, Cindy, and Thomas G. Weiss (1996) Humanitarian Challenges and Intervention : World Politics and the Dilemmas of Help, Boulder/ Westview Commission on African Regions in Crisis (1997) Conflicts in Africa : An Analysis of Crisis and Crisis Prevention Measures, Report of the Commission on African Regions in Crisis, GRIP, Brussels Cremer, Georg (1998) Humanitarian Aid for Warlords? The Dilemma of Relief Organizations in Violent Conflict Situations, Forum, D+C, 5 Cunliffe, Alex, and Michael Pugh (1997) The Lead Agency Concept in Humanitarian Assistance : The Case of the UNHCR, pp.17-30 in Security Dialogue, International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO), 28, No. 1 de Waal, Alex (1995) Humanitarianism Unbound : The Context of the Call for Military Intervention in Africa, in Trócaire Development Review DeMars, William (1996) Mercy without Illusion : Humanitarian Action in Conflict. pp.81-89 in International Studies Review, Vol. 40, Supplement 1 Dobbie, C (1997) Can Military Intervention and Humanitarian Action Co-exist?, Chapter 2, World Disasters Report, IFRC, Oxford. Duffield, Mark (1998) NGO Relief in War Zones : Toward an Analysis of the New Aid Paradigm, pp.139-159 in Weiss, Thomas G. (ed.) Beyond UN Subcontracting - Task-sharing with Regional Security Arrangements and Service Providing NGOs, Macmillan Duffield, Mark (1998a) Containing Systemic Crisis : The Regionalization of Welfare and Security Policy, pp.80-110 in Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed) (1998), World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan Duffield, Mark (1998c) Post-modern Conflict : Warlords, Post-adjustment States and Private Protection, pp.65-102 in Civil Wars, Vol. 1, No. 1 Ellis, S., and Barakat, S. (1996) From Relief to Development : The Long-term Effects of 'Temporary' Accommodation on Refugees and Displaced Persons in the Republic of Croatia, pp.111-124 in Disasters : The Journal of Disaster Studies, Policy and Management, Vol. 20, No. 2 Fishel, John T. (ed.) (1998) The Savage Wars Of Peace - Toward A New Paradigm Of Peace Operations, Westview/ Boulder, Oxford Galtung, J. (1996). Peace by Peaceful Means - Peace and Conflict, Development and Civilization, Oslo, International Peace Research Institute Ginifer, J. (ed.) (1997) Beyond the Emergency, International Specialized Book Service Gordenker, Leon (1997) By Way of Conclusion, pp.189-198 in Belgrad, Eric A., and Nitza Nachmias (eds.) The Politics of International Humanitarian Aid Operations, Westport/ Praeger Gordenker, L., and T.G. Weiss (1998) Devolving Responsibilities : a Framework for Analysing NGOs and Services, pp.30-45 in Weiss, Thomas G. (ed.) Beyond UN Subcontracting - Task-sharing with Regional Security Arrangements and Service Providing NGOs, Macmillan Harriss, John (ed.) (1995) The Politics Of Humanitarian Intervention, Pinter, London/New York Hathaway, J. (1995) New Directions to Avoid Hard Problems : The Distortion of the Palliative Role of Refugee Protection, pp.288-294 in Journal of Refugee Studies, 6 Hayden, William (1998) The Conflict in Kosovo and Forced Migration : The Strategic Use of Displacement and the Obstacles to International Protection, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/b/b396.htm posted on 20 December 1998 in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance Hulme, David, and Michael Edwards (eds) (1996) Beyond The Magic Bullet - NGO Performance And Accountability In The Post-Cold War World, Kumarian Press, West Hartford Hulme, David, and Michael Edwards (eds) (1997) NGOs, States And Donors - Too Close For Comfort?, Macmillan, London Hybertsen, Bente, Gro Tjore, Emery Brusset, Bruce Jones and Astri Suhrke (1998) Humanitarian Assistance and Conflict :A-State-of-the-Art Report, Chr. Michelsen Institute, Report 2 Jensen, Allan Duelund (1997) Humanitarian Intervention in International Politics, MA Thesis, University of Aarhus, Institut for Statskundskab Jones, Bruce D. (1995) Intervention Without Borders : Humanitarian Intervention in Rwanda, 1990-1994. pp. 225-249 in Millennium: Journal of International Studies, Vol. 24, No. 2 Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda (JEEAR 1996) The International Response to Conflict and Genocide : Lessons from the Rwanda Experience, Copenhagen, Steering Committee of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda, Copenhagen : DANIDA, 1996. 5 Vols : Vol. 1: Historical perspective : some explanatory factors / Tor Sellstrom ; Lennart Wohlgemuth. - 1996.Vol. 2: Early warning and conflict management / Howard Adelman ; Astri Suhrke. - 1996. Vol. 3: humanitarian aid and effects / John Borton ; Emery Brusset ; Alistair Hallam. - 1996. Vol. 4: Rebuilding post-war Rwanda / Krishna Kumar (et al.). - 1996.Vol. A: Synthesis report / John Eriksson Kanet, R,. and E. Kolodziej (eds) (1996) Coping with Conflict after the Cold War, London, The Johns Hopkins University Press Kaplan, Robert (1994) The Coming Anarchy, pp.44-76 in The Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 273, No. 2 King, C. (1997). Ending Civil Wars, Adelphi Paper No. 308, Oxford and New York, Oxford University Press. Lavergne, Réal (ed.) (1997) Regional Integration and Cooperation in West Africa. A Multidimensional Perspective, International Development Research Centre Leurdijk, Dick A. (1998) Before and After Dayton : the UN and NATO in the Former Yugoslavia, pp.49-66 in Weiss, Thomas G. (ed.) Beyond UN Subcontracting - Task-sharing with Regional Security Arrangements and Service Providing NGOs, Macmillan Lewis, Ioan M. (1997) Making history in Somalia : Humanitarian Intervention in a Stateless Society, pp.8-29 in Horn of Africa : An Independent Journal, Vol. 15, Nos.1-4 MacFarlane, S. Neil (1998) On the Front Lines in the Near Abroad : the CIS and the OSCE in Georgia's Civil Wars, pp.115-136 in Weiss, Thomas G. (ed.) Beyond UN Subcontracting - Task-sharing with Regional Security Arrangements and Service Providing NGOs, Macmillan Mackinlay, J. (1996) A Guide to Peace Support Operations, Brown University Malone, D. (1997) The UN Security Council in the Post-Cold War World : 1987-97, Security Dialogue, Vol. 28, No 4., Sage Maren, Michael (1997) The Road to Hell - The Ravaging Effects
of Foreign Aid and International Charity, The Free Press Mayall, James (ed.) (1996) The New Interventionism, 1991-1994, Cambridge University Press Médecins Sans Frontières, Holland (1997) World in Crisis : The Politics of Survival at the End of the Twentieth Century, London, New York, Routledge Meeren, Rachel van der (1996) The Rwandan Emergency : Causes, Responses, Solutions? / Rachel van der Meeren ... [et al.], pp.233-342 in Journal of Refugee Studies / Refugee Studies Programme, University of Oxford, Vol. 9, No. 3 Mowjee, Tasneem (1998) The European Community Humanitarian Office (ECHO) : 1992-1999 and Beyond, pp.250-267 in Disasters, Vol. 22, No. 3 Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (1998) Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond : Introduction, pp.1-23 in Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed.) (1998) World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan OECD (1997) DAC Guidelines On Conflict, Peace And Development Co-Operation, Policy Paper, OECD, Paris Menkhaus, Ken (1995) Conflict, Peace-Building and International Aid : The State of the Debate : Life and Peace Review, February Prendergast, John (1996) Frontline Diplomacy : Humanitarian Aid and Conflict in Africa, Boulder/ Lynne Rienner Prendergast, John (1997) Crisis Response - Humanitarian Band-aids in Sudan and Somalia, London/Chicago, Pluto Press Ramsbotham, Oliver, and Tom Woodhouse (1996) Humanitarian Intervention in Contemporary Conflict : A Reconceptualization, Polity Press Ratner, Steven R (1997) The UN Peacekeeping - Building Peace In Lands Of Conflict After The Cold War, London, Macmillan Roberts, Adam (1996) Humanitarian Action in War : Aid, Protection and Impartiality in a Policy Vacuum, Oxford University Press, International Institute for Strategic Studies, Adelphi Papers No. 305 Rothchild, Donald S. (1997) Managing Ethnic Conflict in Africa : Pressures and Incentives for Cooperation, Brookings Institution Press SIPRI (1996). SIPRI 1996 Yearbook - Armaments, Disarmament and International Security, Oxford, Oxford University Press. Slim, Hugo (1996) Military Humanitarianism and the New Peacekeeping : An Agenda for Peace? pp.86-95 in IDS Bulletin, Vol. 27, No. 3 Slim, Hugo (1997) The Stretcher and The Drum : Civil-military Relations In Peace Support Operations, Chapter in Ginifer, J. (ed.) Beyond the Emergency, Intl Specialized Book Service Smith, E.M., and T.G. Weiss (1998) UN Task-Sharing : Toward or Away from Global Governance? pp.227-258 in Weiss, Thomas G. (ed.) Beyond UN Subcontracting - Task-sharing with Regional Security Arrangements and Service Providing NGOs, Macmillan Smock, David R. (1997) Humanitarian Assistance and Conflict in Africa, in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a016.htm reposted on 4 July 1997 Somavia, Juan (1997) The Humanitarian Responsibility of the United Nations Security Council : Ensuring the Rights of the People, pp.353-362 in Development in Practice : an Oxfam Journal, Vol. 7, No. 4 Sørensen, Georg (1997) Det liberale fredsperspektiv i teori og praksis, in GRUS Nr.53, 18. årgang Stockton, Nicholas (1996) Defensive Development? : Re-examining the Role of the Military in Complex Political Emergencies, pp.144-48 in Disasters : the Journal of Disaster Studies, Policy and Management, Vol. 20, No. 2, 1996 Tacsan, Joaquín (1998) Searching for OAS/UN Task-Sharing Opportunities in Central America and Haiti, pp.91-114 in Weiss, Thomas G. (ed.) Beyond UN Subcontracting - Task-sharing with Regional Security Arrangements and Service Providing NGOs, Macmillan United Nations Information Centre for the Nordic Countries (UNIC) ( 1998) UN Information, Published by UNIC Copenhagen, October 1998 Weiss, Thomas G. (ed.) (1998a) Beyond UN Subcontracting - Task-sharing with Regional Security Arrangements and Service Providing NGOs, Macmillan Weiss, Thomas G. (1998b) Humanitarian Action i War Zones : Recent Experience and Future Research, pp.24-79 in Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed) (1998), World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan Wesley, Michael (1997) Casualties of the New World Order - The Causes of Failure of UN Missions to Civil Wars, Macmillan White, Philip (1999) The Role of UN Specialised Agencies in Complex Emergencies, pp.223-238 in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1, Special Issue on Complex Political Emergencies Zartman, I. William (ed.) (1997) Governance as Conflict Management : Politics and Violence in West Africa, Brookings Institution Press Zartman, I. William, and J. Lewis Rasmussen (eds) (1997) Peacemaking
In International Conflict - Methods And Techniques, United States
Institute of Peace Press, Washington D.C. 4.8 Media ImpactMedia have always been important when mobilizing public support for humanitarian crises. This debate seems, however, to have faded recently, irrespective of the continuing faults of the media, and it increasingly central place to the priorities and planning of NGOs and government agencies, whereby it has a crucial impact on policy decisions. Despite the increasing speed in which news and pictures can be spread with the help of new information technologies, the media is structurally ill-suited to convey the complexity of distant problems to their mainly Northern audiences, to whom the problems are of little real concern. The study by Philo et al. (1998) shows the general low priority which news stories from the Third World have in Western news agendas and the very limited range of explanations offered on the nature and origins of conflict and CPEs. Especially the ability of conveying an accurate, balanced, and understandable view of complex events is missing (Shiras 1996). Shiras makes recommendations about how the media and relief community can work together to provide more informed and enlightened coverage of emergencies in developing countries. It remains, however, to be noted that reporting from armed conflict disaster zones is very dangerous and can be entirely inaccessible for reporting teams. Minear, Larry, Colin Scott and Thomas G. Weiss (1996) The News Media, Civil War and Humanitarian Action, Boulder/ Lynne Rienner Philo, Greg, Lindsey Hilsum, Liza Beattie and Rick Holliman (1998) The Media and the Rwanda Crisis : Effects on Audiences and Public Policy, pp 211-229 in Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed) (1998), World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies and Macmillan Rotberg, Robert I., and Thomas G. Weiss (eds) (1996) From Massacres to Genocide : The Media, Public Policy and Humanitarian Crises, Cambridge, Brookings Institution, World Peace Foundation Shiras, Peter (1996) Big Problems, Small Print : A Guide to
the Complexity of Humanitarian Emergencies and the Media, in Rotberg,
Robert I., and Thomas G. Weiss (eds)
From Massacres to Genocide. The Media, Public Policy and Humanitarian
Crises, World Peace Foundation 4.9 Humanitarian Assistance and its Negative ExternalitiesAfrican Rights (1997) Food and Power in Sudan : A Critique of Humanitarianism, African Rights Alao, Abiodun (1998) The Burden of Collective Goodwill. The international Involvement in the Liberian Civil War, Ashgate Anderson, M. (1996) Do No Harm : Supporting Local Capacities for Peace through Aid, Cambridge, MA, The Collaborative for Development Action, Inc. Barber, Ben (1997) Feeding Refugees, Or War? The Dilemma Of Humanitarian Aid, Foreign Affairs, July/August 1997 Basu, Kaushik (1996) Relief Programs : When it May be Better to Give Food instead of Cash, pp.91-96 in World Development, Vol. 24, No. 1 Belgrad, Eric A., and Nitza Nachmias (eds) (1997) The Politics of International Humanitarian Aid Operations, Westport/ Praeger Bradbury, Mark (1998) Normalising the Crisis in Africa, 4 February 1998, in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a603.htm posted on 19 March 1998 Broughton, Bernard (1996) Charity or Rights? : A Human Rights Framework for Complex Emergencies, Australian Development Studies Network, Canberra, A.C.T. : ADSN Bush, Kenneth (1996) Dealing with Humanitarian Crises : The Civilianization of Peacekeeping or the Militarization of Humanitarian Assistance?, Canadian International Development Agency, Ottawa, Canada Cairns, E. (1997) A Safer Future : Reducing the Human Cost of War, Oxfam Cremer, Georg (1998) Humanitarian Aid for Warlords? The Dilemma of Relief Organizations in Violent Conflict Situations, Forum, D+C 5/1998 Cremer, Georg (1998) On the Problem of Misuse in Emergency Aid, Caritas Germany, International Department, and University of Freiburg, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a772.htm posted on 15 June 1998 in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance DANIDA (1996) Organisationsstrategier : Bilag til handlingsplan for aktiv multilateralisme, København, Udenrigsministeriet de Waal, Alex (1997) Famine Crimes - Politics and the Disaster Relief Industry in Africa, African Rights/James Currey, London /Oxford DeMars, William (1996) Mercy without Illusion : Humanitarian Action in Conflict. pp.81-89 in International Studies Review. Vol. 40, Supplement 1 Duffield, Mark (1994) Complex Political Emergencies : With Reference to Angola and Bosnia : An Exploratory Report for UNICEF /University of Birmingham. School of Public Policy, Birmingham Duffield, Mark (1994 a) The Political Economy of Internal War : Asset Transfer, Complex Emergencies, and International Aid, in Macrae, J., and A. Zwi (eds) War & Hunger : Rethinking International Responses to Complex Emergencies, London, Zed Books Duffield, Mark (1996) The Symphony of the Damned, Disasters, Vol. 20, No. 3 Duffield, Mark (1996) The Symphony of the Damned : Racial Discourse, Complex Political Emergencies, and Humanitarian Aid, School of Public Policy, University of Birmingham, Occasional Paper, 2 March Duffield, Mark (1997) NGO Relief in War Zones : Toward an Analysis of the New Aid Paradigm, in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 18, No. 3 Edkins, Jenny (1996) Legality with a Vengeance : Famines and Humanitarian Relief in "Complex Emergencies", pp.547-575 in Millennium : Journal of International Studies, Vol. 25, No. 3 Fahlén, Marika, (1996) Humanitärpolitiska perspektiv : om det humanitära imperativet i politiska kriser, Stockholm, Enheten för globalt samarbete, Utrikesdepartementet Fennell, James (1998) Hope Suspended : Morality, Politics and War in Central Africa, pp.96-108 in Disasters, Vol. 22, No. 2, 1998 Hamilton, Brady E., and R. Steven Hillis (1996) Civil War and Famine : A Research Note on International Relief Aid, pp.102-17 in Population Review : Demography of Developing Countries / Indian Institute for Population Studies, Vol. 40, Nos.1-2 Harriss, John (ed.) (1995) The Politics Of Humanitarian Intervention, Pinter, London/New York Helander, Bernhard (1995) Somalia : Aid Fuels the Conflict, News from the Nordic Africa Institute, No. 3, 1995 Hendrie, Barbara (1997) Knowledge and Power : A Critique of an International Relief Operation, pp.57-76, in Disasters : The Journal of Disaster Studies, Policy and Management, Vol. 21, No. 1, 1997 Hybertsen, Bente, Gro Tjore, Emery Brusset, Bruce Jones and Astri Suhrke (1998) Humanitarian Assistance and Conflict :A-State-of-the-Art Report, Chr. Michelsen Institute, Report 2, 1998 Keen, D. (1997) A Rational Kind of Madness, Oxford Development Studies, Vol. 25, No. 1, pp. 67-74. Keen, David, and K. Wilson. (1994) Engaging with Violence : A Reassessment of Relief in Wartime, in J. Macrae, and A. Zwi, eds., War & Hunger : Rethinking International Responses to Complex Emergencies, London, Zed Books Keen, David, John Ryle and Mark Duffield (1996) The Fate of Information in the Disaster Zone, pp.169-93 in Disasters : The Journal of Disaster Studies, Policy and Management, Vol. 20, No. 3, 1996 Lentin, R. (1997) Gender and Catastrophe, London, Zed Books Macrae, Joanna (1996) The Origins of Unease : Setting the Context of the Current Ethical Debate, Background Paper I for the Forum on Ethics in Humanitarian Aid, Dublin 9-10 December, 1996 Macrae, Joanna (1998) Purity or Political Engagement? : Issues in Food and Health Security Interventions in Complex Political Emergencies, ODI 7 March 1998, posted on 7 March 1998 in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a574 Macrae, Joanna, and Anthony Zwi (eds) (1994) War and Hunger : Rethinking International Responses to Complex Emergencies, London, ZED Books Maren, Michael (1997) The Road to Hell - The Ravaging Effects of Foreign Aid and International Charity, The Free Press Middleton, Neil, and Phil O'Keefe (1998) Disaster and Development : The Politics of Humanitarian Aid, London, Pluto Press Minear, Larry, and Thomas G. Weiss (1995) Mercy under Fire : War and the Global Humanitarian Community, Oxford, Westview Press Moore, Jonathan (1996) The UN and Complex Emergencies - Rehabilitation in Third World Transitions, War-torn Societies Project, Geneva, UNRISD MSF (1997) Populations in Danger, MSF, London Natsios, Andrew S. (1995) NGOs and the UN System in Complex Humanitarian Emergencies : Conflict or Cooperation?, pp.405-19 in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 16, No. 3 Natsios, Andrew S. (1997) U.S. Foreign Policy and the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse : Humanitarian Relief in Complex Emergencies, Center for Strategic and International Studies, Westport/ Praeger O'Keefe, Phil, and John Kirkby (1997) Relief and Rehabilitation in Complex Emergencies, pp.567-82 in Review of African Political Economy, Vol. 24, No. 74 Omaar, Rakiya, and Alex de Waal (1994) Humanitarianism Unbound? Current Dilemmas Facing Multi-Mandate Relief Operations in Political Emergencies, African Rights, Discussion Paper No. 5, November Overseas Development Institute (1998) The State of the International Humanitarian System, London, ODI Prendergast, J. (1996) Frontline Diplomacy : Humanitarian Aid and Conflict in Africa, Boulder/ Lynne Rienner Prendergast, J. (1996a) Crisis and Hope in Africa, London, Inter-agency Group - Center of Concern Project. Prendergast, John (1997) Crisis Response - Humanitarian Band-aids in Sudan and Somalia, London/Chicago, Pluto Press Prendergast, John, and Colin Scott (1996) Aid with Integrity - Avoiding the Potential of Humanitarian Aid to Sustain Conflict : A Strategy For USAID /BHR/OFDA in Complex Emergencies, Occasional Paper, USAID, Washington D.C. Roberts, Adam (1996) Humanitarian Action in War : Aid, Protection and Impartiality in a Policy Vacuum, Oxford University Press, International Institute for Strategic Studies, Adelphi Papers No. 305 Slim, Hugo (1997) Doing the Right Thing : Relief Agencies, Moral Dilemmas and Moral Responsibility in Political Emergencies and War, SIDA, Oxford Brookes University. Centre for Development and Emergency Planning, Uppsala, Nordiska Afrikainstitutet Slim, Hugo (1997a) Doing the Right Thing : Relief Agencies, Moral Dilemmas and Moral Responsibility in Political Emergencies and War, pp.244-57 in Disasters : The Journal of Disaster Studies, Policy and Management, Vol. 21, No. 3 Slim, Hugo (1997b) Relief Agencies and Moral Standing in War : Principles of Humanity, Neutrality, Impartiality and Solidarity, pp.342-352 in Development in Practice : an Oxfam Journal, Vol. 7, No. 4 Slim, Hugo (1998) International Humanitarianism's Engagement with Civil War in the 1990s : A Glance at Evolving Practice and Theory, A Briefing Paper for Actionaid UK, Centre for Development and Emergency Practice, Oxford Brookes University, 19 December 1997, posted March 1998 in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a565.htm Smock, David R. (1997) Humanitarian Assistance and Conflict in Africa, in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a016.htm reposted on 4 July 1997 Somavia, J. (1997) The Humanitarian Responsibilities of the United Nations Security Council : Ensuring the Security of the People, pp.353-362 in Development in Practice : an Oxfam Journal, Vol. 7, No. 4, Oxford Stockton, Nicholas (1996) Defensive Development? : Re-examining the Role of the Military in Complex Political Emergencies, pp.144-48 in Disasters : the Journal of Disaster Studies, Policy and Management, Vol. 20, No. 2, 1996 Thompson, Martha (1996) Empowerment and Survival : Humanitarian Work in Civil Conflict : Part One, pp.324-333 in Development in Practice : an Oxfam Journal, Vol. 6, No. 4, 1996 Thompson, Martha (1997) Empowerment and Survival : Humanitarian Work in Civil Conflict : Part Two, pp.50-58 in Development in Practice : an Oxfam Journal, Vol. 7, No. 1, 1997 UNDHA (1997) Aid under Fire : Relief and Development in an Unstable World, UN Department of Humanitarian Affairs, DHA Issues in Focus Series No. 1, 1997 United States Mission to the United Nations (1997) Global humanitarian assistance 1997, United States Central Intelligence Agency, Directorate of Intelligence, Washington D.C., The Directorate, 1997 Uvin, Peter (1998) Aiding Violence. The Development Enterprise in Rwanda Väyrynen, Raimo (1996) The Age of Humanitarian Emergencies, WIDER Research for Action No 25, UN University Vesely, Milan (1998) The Business of Conflict, Feature in African Business, December 1998 Weiss, Thomas G. (1997 ) A Research Note about Military-Civilian Humanitarianism : More Questions than Answers, pp.95-117 in Disasters : the Journal of Disaster Studies, Policy and Management, Vol. 21, No. 2 Wesley, Michael (1997) Casualties
of the New World Order - The Causes of Failure of UN Missions to Civil
Wars, Macmillan 4.10 Humanitarian Positioning: Morality, Ethics, Neutrality and ImpartialityAfrican Rights (1994) Humanitarianism Unbound, London, African Rights Campbell, David (1998) Why Fight : Humanitarianism, Principles, and Post-structuralism, in Special Issue : Ethics and International Relations, Millennium-Journal of International Studies, Vol. 27, No. 3 Fennell, James (1998) Hope Suspended : Morality, Politics and War in Central Africa, pp.96-108 in Disasters, Vol. 22, No. 2 Gordon, Stuart (ed.) (1998) Aspects of Peacekeeping, Frank Cass Knudsen, Tonny Brems (1998) The Missing Link! Moral i International Politik, i Politica, 30.årg, nr. 4 Levine, I. (1995) Sudan : In Pursuit of Humanitarian Neutrality : Aid Under Fire, Issues in Focus Series, No. 1, Geneva, UNDHA Levine, I. (1996) Humanitarianism and Humanity, in DHA News, No. 19, Geneva, August 1996 Macrae, Joanna (1998) Purity or Political Engagement? : Issues in Food and Health Security Interventions in Complex Political Emergencies, ODI 7 March 1998, in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a574 posted on 7 March 1998 Millennium (1998) Special Issue : Ethics and International Relations, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 27, No. 3 Moore, Jonathan (ed.) (1998a) Hard Choices : Moral Dilemmas in Humanitarian Intervention, Rowman & Littlefield Moore, Jonathan (1998b) Moral Search : Humanitarian Intervention In Internal Conflict, Rowman & Littlefield Onuf, Nicholas Greenwood (1998) Everyday Ethics in International Relations, in Special Issue : Ethics and International Relations, Millennium - Journal of International Studies, Vol. 27, No. 3 Plattner, Denise (1996) ICRC Neutrality and Neutrality in Humanitarian Assistance, International Review of the Red Cross, No. 311 Politica (1998) Moral i Politik, Politica - Tidsskrift for politisk videnskab, 30.årg., nr.4 Slim, Hugo (1997a) Doing the Right Thing : Relief Agencies, Moral Dilemmas and Moral Responsibility in Political Emergencies and War, pp.244-57 in Disasters : The Journal of Disaster Studies, Policy and Management, Vol. 21, No. 3 Slim, Hugo (1997b) Relief Agencies and Moral Standing in War : Principles of Humanity, Neutrality, Impartiality and Solidarity, pp.342-352 in Development in Practice : an Oxfam Journal, Vol. 7, No. 4 Slim, Hugo (1998) Positioning Humanitarianism in War, in Gordon, S. (ed.) Aspects of Peacekeeping, Frank Cass Walker, Peter (1996) Chaos And Caring : Humanitarian Aid Amidst Disintegrating States, Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, October 1996 Weller, Marc (1998) The
Relativity of Humanitarian Neutrality and Impartiality, Uncorrected Draft
in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a528.htm
posted on 10 February 1998 4.11 Mercy versus Justice: Humanitarian vs. Human Rights PrioritiesAfrican Rights (1994) Humanitarianism Unbound, London, African Rights African Rights (1997) Food and Power in Sudan : A Critique of Humanitarianism, African Rights Cairns, Edmund, and David Bryer (1997) For Better? For Worse? Humanitarian Aid In Conflict, Development in Practice, Vol. 7, No. 4, Oxfam, Oxford Helander, Bernhard (1995) Somalia : Aid Fuels the Conflict, News from the Nordic Africa Institute, No. 3, 1995 Macrae, Joanna (1998) Purity or Political Engagement? : Issues in Food and Health Security Interventions in Complex Political Emergencies, ODI 7 March 1998, in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a574 posted on 7 March 1998 Mills, K. (1997) Sovereignty Eclipsed? : The Legitimacy of Humanitarian Access and Intervention, in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a012.htm reposted on 4 July 1997 Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed.) (1998) World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan Olonisakin, Funmi, and Emmanuel Kwesi Aning (1999) Humanitarian Intervention and Human Rights : The Contradictions in ECOMOG, in The International Journal of Human Rights, Vol. 3, No. 1 Roberts, Adam (1996) Humanitarian Action in War : Aid, Protection and Impartiality in a Policy Vacuum, Oxford University Press, International Institute for Strategic Studies, Adelphi Papers No. 305 Slim, Hugo (1998) International Humanitarianism's Engagement with Civil War in the 1990s : A Glance at Evolving Practice and Theory, A Briefing Paper for Actionaid UK, Centre for Development and Emergency Practice, Oxford Brookes University, 19 December 1997, posted in Journal of Humanitarian Affairs in March http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a565.htm Thomas, Caroline, and Melvyn Reader (1998) Human Rights and Intervention : A Case for Caution, pp.111-137 in Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed) (1998) World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies and Macmillan Stremlau, John (1998) People in Peril : Human Rights,
Humanitarian Action, and Preventing Deadly Conflict, Report to the
Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict, posted 6 September 1998
in the Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/b/b014.htm 4.12 Linking Relief and Development ContinuumAddo, Herb (1996) Developmentalism : A Eurocentric Hoax, Delusion and Chicanery, in Chew, Sing C., and Robert A. Denemark (eds), The Underdevelopment of Development, Sage Anderson, M., and P. Woodrow (1989) Rising from the Ashes : Development Strategies in Times of Disaster, Boulder, CO, Westview Press for UNESCO. Anderson, Mary B. (1996) Do No Harm : Supporting Local Capacities for Peace Through Aid, The Collaborative for Development Action, Cambridge Apthorpe, Raymond (1997) Some Relief from Development : Humanitarian Emergency Aid in the Horn of Africa (including Sudan) Rwanda and Liberia. pp.83-106 in The European Journal of Development Research, Vol. 9, No. 2 Apthorpe, Raymond et al. (1996) Protracted Emergency Humanitarian Relief Food Aid : Toward "Productive Relief", draft report, World Food Programme, Rome, WFP Armstrong, Allen M. (1996) Relief and Development? Some observations from the RDRS - ODA Drought Response Project, pp.43-53 in Grassroots : An alternative development journal, 5, No. 19 Ball, N., and T. Halevy (1996) Making Peace Work : The Role of the International Development Community, Policy Essay No. 18, Overseas Development Council, Washington, DC. Boyce, J. (1994) Disaster, Development and the Bretton Wood Institutions, Draft I, prepared under UNDP Project INS /91/008: Preparation of Guidelines for the Continuum Relief to Development, University of Massachusetts at Amherst. Boyce, J., and M. Pastor (1997) Macroeconomic Policy and Peace Building in El Salvador, in. Kumar, K. (ed.) Rebuilding Societies after Civil War, Boulder, CO, and London, Lynne Rienner Publishers Bradbury, Mark (1998) Normalising the Crisis in Africa, 4 February 1998, posted in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance as http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a603.htm on 19 March 1998 Bradbury M., M. Duffield, S. Jaspars, D. Johnson and J. Macrae (1997) Conflict, The Continuum And Chronic Emergencies : A Critical Analysis of the Scope for Linking Relief, Rehabilitation and Development Planning in Sudan, in Disasters Vol. 21, No. 3 British Government (1997) Eliminating World Poverty : A Challenge for the 21st Century, Secretary of State for International Development, November, London Brynen, R. (1995) The (very) Political Economy of the West Bank and Gaza : Learning Lessons about Peace-building and Development Assistance, Montreal Studies on the Contemporary Arab World, McGill University, Montreal. Campbell, Will (1994) Linking Relief and Development : An Annotated Bibliography / Institute of Development Studies, Brighton, IDS, 1994. 61 p. (Development bibliography series ; 10) Carbonnier, Gilles (1998) Conflict, Postwar Rebuilding and the Economy : A Critical Review of the Literature, WSP Occasional Paper No. 2, March Chambers, Robert (1995) The Primacy of the Personal, in Edwards, Michael, and David Hulme (eds) Non-Governmental Organisations Performance and Accountability : Beyond the Magic Bullet, Earthscan, London Charlton, Mark W. (1997) Back to Relief : The Global Food Aid Regime in the Post - Cold War Era, pp.437-61 in Canadian Journal of Development Studies, Vol. 18, No. 3 Chew, Sing C., and Robert A. Denemark (eds) (1996) The Underdevelopment of Development, Sage Christoplos, Ian (1998a) Humanitarianism and Local Service Institutions in Angola, pp.1-20 in Disasters, Vol. 22, No. 1 Christoplos, Ian (1998b) Humanitarianism and Public Service Integrity : How do we get from here to there? in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/b/b071.htm posted on 30 September 1998 de Waal, Alex (1997) Famine Crimes, Politics and the Disaster Relief Industry in Africa, James Currey, Oxford Development Assistance Committee (DAC) (1997) DAC Guidelines - Conflict, Peace and Development Co-operation on the Threshold of the 21st Century, Paris, OECD, 1997 Duffield, Mark (1994) Complex Emergencies and the Crisis of Developmentalism, in IDS Bulletin, Vol. 25, No. 4 Duffield, Mark (1996) Symphony of the Damned : Racial Discourse, Complex Political Emergencies and Humanitarian Aid, in Disasters, Vol. 20, No. 3 Edkins, Jenny (1996) Legality with a Vengeance : Famines and Humanitarian Relief in "Complex Emergencies", pp.547-575 in Millennium : Journal of International Studies, Vol. 25, No. 3 Ellis, S., and S. Barakat (1996) From Relief to Development : The Long-term Effects of 'Temporary' Accommodation on Refugees and Displaced Persons in the Republic of Croatia, pp.111-124 in Disasters : The Journal of Disaster Studies, Policy and Management, Vol. 20, No. 2 European Commission (EC 1996) Linking Relief, Rehabilitation and Development, Communication to the European Parliament and the Council of Ministers, Brussels Fennell, James (1998) Hope Suspended : Morality, Politics and War in Central Africa, pp.96-108 in Disasters, Vol. 22, No. 2 Goodhand, Jonathan, and David Hulme (1997) NGOs and Peace Building in Complex Political Emergencies : An Introduction, NGOs and Complex Political Emergencies Working Paper Number 1, University of Manchester & INTRAC, Manchester Green, Reginald Herbold, and Ismail I. Ahmed (1999) Rehabilitation, Sustainable Peace and Development : Towards Reconceptualisation, pp.189-206 in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1, Special Issue on Complex Political Emergencies Harvey, Paul (1998) Rehabilitation in Complex Political Emergencies : Is Rebuilding Civil Society the Answer?, pp.200-217 in Disasters, Vol. 22, No. 3, Helander, Bernhard (1995) Somalia : Aid Fuels the Conflict, News from the Nordic Africa Institute, No. 3, 1995 Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda (JEEAR 1996) The International Response to Conflict and Genocide : Lessons from the Rwanda Experience, Copenhagen, Steering Committee of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda, Copenhagen: DANIDA, 1996. 5 Vols: Vol. 1: Historical perspective : some explanatory factors / Tor Sellstrom ; Lennart Wohlgemuth. - 1996.Vol. 2: Early warning and conflict management / Howard Adelman ; Astri Suhrke. - 1996. Vol. 3: humanitarian aid and effects / John Borton ; Emery Brusset ; Alistair Hallam. - 1996. Vol. 4: Rebuilding post-war Rwanda / Krishna Kumar (et al.). - 1996.Vol. A: Synthesis report / John Eriksson Kumar, Krishna (ed.) (1997) Rebuilding Societies after Civil War : Critical Roles for International Assistance, Boulder/Lynne Rienner Macrae, Joanna (1997) Conflict, the Continuum and Chronic Emergencies : A Critical Analysis of the Scope for Linking Relief, Rehabilitation and Development Planning in Sudan / Joanna Macrae ... [et al.], pp.223-43, in Disasters : the Journal of Disaster Studies, Policy and Management, Vol. 21, No. 3 Macrae, Joanna (1998) Purity or Political Engagement? : Issues in Food and Health Security Interventions in Complex Political Emergencies, ODI 7 March 1998, posted on 7 March 1998 in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a574 Maren, Michael (1997) The Road to Hell - The Ravaging Effects of Foreign Aid and International Charity, The Free Press Munslow, Barry, and Christopher Brown (1999) Complex Emergencies : The Institutional Impasse, pp.207-221 in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1, Special Issue on Complex Political Emergencies O'Keefe, Phil, and John Kirkby (1997) Relief and Rehabilitation in Complex Emergencies, pp.567-82 in Review of African Political Economy, Vol. 24, No. 74 Pratten, David T. (1997) Local Institutional Development and Relief in Ethiopia : a Kire-based Seed Distribution Programme in North Wollo, pp.138-54 in Disasters : the Journal of Disaster Studies, Policy and Management, Vol. 21, No. 2 Pugh, Michael (1998) Post-conflict Rehabilitation : Social and Civil Dimensions, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/b/b365.htm posted on 11 December 1998 in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance Richards, Paul (1996) Fighting for the Rainforest : War, Youth and Resources in Sierra Leone, James Currey, Oxford Sørbø, Gunnar M., Wenche Hauge, Bente Hybertsen and Dan Smith (1998) Norwegian Assistance to Countries in Conflict. The Lessons of Experience from Guatemala, Mali, Mozambique, Sudan, Rwanda and Burundi. Oslo, Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (Evaluation Report 11.98) Smillie, I. (1998) NGOs and Development Assistance : A Change in Mindset?, pp.203-223 in Weiss, Thomas G. (ed.) Beyond UN Subcontracting - Task-sharing with Regional Security Arrangements and Service Providing NGOs, Macmillan UNDHA (1997) Disasters and Development, UN Department of Humanitarian Affairs, DHA Issues in Focus Series No. 6 UNDP (1994) Guidelines for the Continuum from Relief to Development : The Central American Experience, mimeo, Regional Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean UNDP (1995) Building Bridges Between Relief and Development : A Compendium of the UNDP Record in Crisis Countries, mimeo, Emergency Response Division UNDP Rwanda (1998) Linking Relief to Development, paper , UNDP Rwanda, June 1998 USAID (1996) Linking Relief and Development in the Greater Horn of Africa : USAID Constraints and Recommendations / United States. Agency for International Development, Washington, D.C. Uvin, Peter (1998) Aiding Violence. The Development Enterprise in Rwanda Weiss, Thomas G. (1998b) Humanitarian Action i War Zones : Recent Experience and Future Research, pp.24-79 in Nederveen Pieterse, Jan (ed) (1998), World Orders in the Making, Humanitarian Intervention and Beyond, Institute of Social Studies, Macmillan Whiteside, Martin (1996) Realistic Rehabilitation : Linking Relief and Development in Mozambique, pp.121-28 in Development in Practice : an Oxfam journal, Vol. 6, No. 2 World Bank (1997b) Bosnia and Hezegovina : From Recovery to Sustainable Growth, Washington, DC, The World Bank WSP (1996) The Challenge of Peace, Vol. 4, Geneva, War-torn Societies Project, UNRISD WSP (1997a) WSP Research Update, No. 4, Geneva, War-torn Societies Project, UNRISD WSP (1997b) The Challenge of Peace, Vol. 5, Geneva, War-torn Societies Project, UNRISD WSP (1997c) Guatemala
at the Crossroads : 1997, mimeo, Guatemala, War-torn Societies Project,
UNRISD. 4.13 Post-conflict Issues: Rebuilding, Rehabilitation, DemobilizationAdekanye, J. (1997) Arms and Reconstruction in Post-conflict Societies, pp. 359-366, Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 34, No. 3 Anderton, C. and Isard, W. (eds) (1992) Economics of Arms Reduction and the Peace Process : Contributions from Peace Economics and Peace Science, Amsterdam and New York, Elsevier Science Boyce, J. and M. Pastor (1997) Macroeconomic Policy and Peace Building in El Salvador, in. Kumar, K. (ed.) Rebuilding Societies after Civil War, Boulder, CO, and London, Lynne Rienner Publishers Boyce, J. (ed.) (1996) Economic Policy for Building Peace : The Lessons of El Salvador, Boulder, CO, and London, Lynne Rienner Publishers Brynen, R. (1995) The (very) Political Economy of the West Bank and Gaza : Learning Lessons about Peace-building and Development Assistance, Montreal Studies on the Contemporary Arab World, McGill University, Montreal Burnham, P. (1990) The Political Economy of Postwar Reconstruction, New York, St. Martin's Press Carbonnier, Gilles (1998) Conflict, Postwar Rebuilding and the Economy : A Critical Review of the Literature, WSP Occasional Paper No. 2, March Chatterji, M., and L. Forcey (eds) (1992) Disarmament, Economic Conversion, and Management of Peace, New York, Praeger Colletta, N., M. Kostner and I. Widerhofer (1996b) Case Studies in War-to-Peace Transition : the Demobilization and Reintegration of Ex-Combatants in Ethiopia, Namibia, and Uganda, Discussion Paper No. 331, Africa Technical Department Series, Washington, DC, The World Bank Collier, P. (1994) Demobilization and Insecurity : A Study in the Economics of the Transition from War to Peace, pp. 343-351 in Journal of International Development, Vol. 6, No. 3 Crosby, B. (1990) Central America, in Lake, A. (ed.) After the Wars : Reconstruction in Afghanistan, Indochina, Central America, Southern Africa and the Horn of Africa, Oxford and New Brunswick, Transaction Publishers Davies, P. (1997) Mines and Unexploded Ordnance in Cambodia and Laos : Understanding the Costs, in Kumar, K., (ed.) Rebuilding Societies after Civil War, Boulder, CO, and London, Lynne Rienner Publishers. Ferris, E. (1996) Disarmament, Debt and Development : Seeing the Connections, Uppsala, Life & Peace Institute Galtung, J. (1995) Violence, War and the Aftermath, draft, mimeo, War-torn Societies Project, Geneva, UNRISD Hanlon, J. (1996) Peace Without Profit : How the IMF Blocks Rebuilding in Mozambique, Dublin, The International African Institute and Irish Mozambique Solidarity Harvey, Paul (1997) Rehabilitation in Complex Political Emergencies : Is Rebuilding Civil Society the Answer? Institute of Development Studies, Brighton, 1997 Kumar, Krishna (ed.) (1997) Rebuilding Societies after Civil War : Critical Roles for International Assistance, Boulder/Lynne Rienner Kumar, Krishna et al. (1996) Rebuilding post-war Rwanda, Vol. 4 of The International Response to Conflict and Genocide : Lessons from the Rwanda Experience, Copenhagen, Steering Committee of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda, Copenhagen : DANIDA, 5 volumes Lake, A. (ed.) (1990) After the Wars : Reconstruction in Afghanistan, Indochina, Central America, Southern Africa and the Horn of Africa, New Brunswick, NJ, Transaction Publishers Luling, Virgina (1997) Come Back Somalia? Questioning a Collapsed State, pp.287-302 in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 18, No. 2 Moore, Jonathan (1996) The UN and Complex Emergencies - Rehabilitation in Third World Transitions, War-torn Societies Project, Geneva, UNRISD Nagarajan, G. (1997) Developing Financial Institutions in Conflict Affected Countries : Emerging Issues, First Lessons Learnt and Challenges Ahead, ILO Action Programme on Skills and Entrepreneurship, Geneva, International Labour Office Stiefel, Mathias (1998) Rebuilding after War : A Summary Report of the War-torn Societies Project, WSP/ UNRISD Sørensen, B. (forthcoming) Women and Post-Conflict Reconstruction, Occasional Paper No. 3, War-torn Societies Project, Geneva Weiss Fagen, P. (1995) After the Conflict : A Review of Selected Sources on Rebuilding War-torn Societies, Occasional Paper No. 1, War-torn Societies Project, Geneva World Bank (1997a) A Framework for World Bank Involvement in
Post-conflict Reconstruction,
mimeo, Washington, DC. 4.14 Operational Principles for Humanitarian ActionDarcy, J. (1997) Human Rights and International Legal Standards : What Relief Workers Need to Know, Relief and Rehabilitation Network (RRN) Paper 19 Lancaster, Warren (1998) The Code of Conduct : Whose Code, Whose Conduct?, in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a645.htm posted on 18 April 1998 Macrae, Joanna (1998) Purity or Political Engagement? : Issues in Food and Health Security Interventions in Complex Political Emergencies, ODI 7 March 1998, posted on 7 March 1998 in Journal of Humanitarian Assistance, http://www-jha.sps.cam.ac.uk/a/a574 Minear, L., and T.G. Weiss (1993) Humanitarian Action in Times of War, (The Providence Principles are found on pp.19), Brown University, London, Lynne Rienner OECD (1997) DAC Guidelines on Conflict, Peace and Development Co-operation, DAC Task Force on Conflict, Peace and Development Co-operation, Paris, OECD Relief and Rehabilitation Network (RRN) (1994) Code of Conduct for the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Disaster Relief, RRN, Network Paper 7, 1994 Relief and Rehabilitation Network (RRN) (1997) People in Aid Code of Best Practice in
the Management and Support of Aid Personnel, RRN, Network Paper 20, 1997 Clarification of the Code of Conduct for International Rehabilitation and Development Assistance to Somalia, Somalia Aid Coordination Body, 8 February 1995 Slim, Hugo (1997b) Relief Agencies and Moral Standing in War : Principles of Humanity, Neutrality, Impartiality and Solidarity, pp.342-352 in Development in Practice : an Oxfam Journal, Vol. 7, No. 4 World Conference on Religion and Peace (1994) Mohonk
Criteria for Humanitarian Assistance in Complex Emergencies 4.15 Evaluating Humanitarian AssistanceAdekanye, J. 'Bayo (ed.) (1997) Norwegian Church Aid's Humanitarian and Peace-Making Work in Mali, Institutt for fredsforskning, Oslo, Utenriksdepartementet Duffield, Mark (1997) Evaluating Conflict Resolution. Context, Models and Methodology. A Discussion Paper Prepared for the Chr. Michelsen Institute, Bergen, Annex 1 to Macrae, Sørbø and Wohlgemuth, NGOs in Conflict - an Evaluation of International Alert, Bergen, 1997 FINNIDA (1996) Thematic Evaluation of the Finnish Humanitarian Assistance, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Finland, FINNIDA, Helsinki Hallam, Alistair (1998) Evaluation of Humanitarian Assistance Programmes, Relief and Rehabilitation Network (RRN), Good Practice Review 7, London, ODI Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda (JEEAR) (1996) The International Response to Conflict and Genocide : Lessons from the Rwanda Experience, Copenhagen, Steering Committee of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda, Copenhagen: DANIDA, 1996. 5 vols: Vol. 1: Historical perspective : some explanatory factors / Tor Sellstrom ; Lennart Wohlgemuth. - 1996.Vol. 2: Early warning and conflict management / Howard Adelman ; Astri Suhrke. - 1996. Vol. 3: humanitarian aid and effects / John Borton ; Emery Brusset ; Alistair Hallam. - 1996. Vol. 4: Rebuilding post-war Rwanda / Krishna Kumar (et al.). - 1996.Vol. A: Synthesis report / John Eriksson Macrae, Joanna, Gunnar M. Sørbø and Lennart Wohlgemuth (1997) NGOs in Conflict - an Evaluation of International Alert, Bergen Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (1994) Humanitarian Aid to Somalia, Netherlands Development Cooperation Evaluation Report, The Hague Pedersen, Nina (1997) Evalueringsmetoder til nødhjælp. - også til de komplekse nødhjælpssituationer i Afrika, Occasional Paper, Centre of African Studies, University of Copenhagen, September Royal Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Norway (1997) Evaluation of Norwegian Humanitarian Assistance to the Sudan, Oslo Sørbø, Gunnar M., Wenche Hauge, Bente Hybertsen and Dan Smith (1998) Norwegian Assistance to Countries in Conflict. The Lessons of Experience from Guatemala, Mali, Mozambique, Sudan, Rwanda and Burundi. Oslo, Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (Evaluation Report 11.98) Suhrke, A., A. Hallam, K. Halvorsen, J. Lexow, A. Miranda and P. Rebelo (1997)Evaluation of Norwegian Assistance to Peace, Reconciliation and Rehabilitation in Mozambique. Oslo, Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (Evaluation Report 4.97) United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations (1996) Comprehensive Report on Lessons Learned
from United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) : October
1993-April 1996, United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations The
Department 4.16 Country LessonsAdelman, Howard, and Astri Suhrke (1996) Warning and Conflict Management, Vol. 2 of The International Response to Conflict and Genocide : Lessons from the Rwanda Experience, Copenhagen, Steering Committee of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda, Copenhagen, DANIDA, 5 volumes Ahmed, Ismail I., and Reginald Herbold Green (1999) The Heritage of War and State Collapse in Somalia and Somaliland : Local-level Effects, External Interventions and Reconstruction, pp.113-127 in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1, Special Issue on Complex Political Emergencies Alao, Abiodun (1998) The Burden of Collective Goodwill. The international Involvement in the Liberian Civil War, Ashgate Apthorpe, Raymond (1997) Some Relief from Development : Humanitarian Emergency Aid in the Horn of Africa (including Sudan) Rwanda and Liberia. pp.83-106 in The European Journal of Development Research, Vol. 9, No. 2 Augelli, Enrico, and Craig N. Murphy (1995) Lessons of Somalia for Future Multilateral Humanitarian Assistance Operations. pp.339-365 in Global Governance : a Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, Vol. 1, No. 3 Bariagaber, Assefaw (1996) The United Nations and Somalia : An examination of a Collective Clientelist Relationship, pp.162-77 in Journal of Asian and African Studies, Vol. 31, Nos.3-4, 1996 Borton, John (1996) Masking a Policy Vacuum? : Reviewing the Lessons of the International Response to the Rwanda Crisis / John Borton ... [et al.], pp.281-352 in Disasters : The Journal of Disaster Studies, Policy and Management, Vol. 20, No. 4 Borton, John (1996) An Account of Coordination Mechanisms for Humanitarian Assistance during the International Response to the 1994 Crisis in Rwanda, Sophia University, Institute of Comparative Culture. Advanced Development Management Program, Tokyo, Institute of Comparative Culture Borton, John, Emery Brusset and Alistair Hallam (1996) Humanitarian Aid and Effects, Vol. 3 of The International Response to Conflict and Genocide : Lessons from the Rwanda Experience, Copenhagen, Steering Committee of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda, Copenhagen, DANIDA, 5 volumes Christoplos, Ian (1998) Humanitarianism and Local Service Institutions in Angola, in States of Imagination, Copenhagen, February 13-15 1998, Centre for Development Research, Copenhagen Clarke, Walter (1996) Somalia and the Future of Humanitarian Intervention. pp.70-85 in Foreign Affairs, Vol. 75, No. 2 Clarke, Walter, and Jeffrey Herbst (eds) (1995) Somalia and the future of humanitarian intervention, Center of International Studies, Monograph Series, No. 9, Princeton University Clarke, Walter, and Jeffrey Herbst (eds) (1997) Learning from Somalia : The Lessons of Armed Humanitarian Intervention, Boulder/ Westview Press Cliffe, Lionel (1999) Regional Dimensions of Conflict in the Horn of Africa, pp.89-111 in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1, Special Issue on Complex Political Emergencies Donini, Antonio (1996) The Policies of Mercy : UN Coordination in Afghanistan, Mozambique, and Rwanda, Brown University, Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies, Providence, R.I., WIIS, Occasional Papers 22 Duffield, M., and J. Prendergast (1994) Without Troops & Tanks : Humanitarian Intervention in Ethiopia and Eritrea, Lawrenceville, NJ, The Red Sea Press Eriksson, John (1996) Synthesis report, Vol. A of The International Response to Conflict and Genocide : Lessons from the Rwanda Experience, Copenhagen, Steering Committee of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda, Copenhagen, DANIDA, 5 volumes Kumar, Krishna (et al.) (1996) Rebuilding Post-war Rwanda, Vol. 4 of The International Response to Conflict and Genocide : Lessons from the Rwanda Experience, Copenhagen, Steering Committee of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda, CopenhageN, DANIDA, 5 volumes Goodhand, Jonathan, and Peter Chamberlain (1996) 'Dancing with the Prince' : NGOs' Survival Strategies in the Afghan Conflict, pp.196-207 in Development in Practice : an Oxfam Journal, Vol. 6, No. 3 Goodhand, Jonathan, and Nick Lewer (1999) Sri Lanka : NGOs and Peace-Building in Complex Political Emergencies, pp.69-87 in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1, Special Issue on Complex Political Emergencies Guillot, Philippe, and Larry Minear (1996) Soldiers to the Rescue : Humanitarian Lessons from Rwanda, Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies (Brown University), OECD, Paris Hansen, Greg (1996) War and Humanitarian Action in Chechnya, Brown University, Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies, Occasional Paper No. 26 Hudock, Ann C. (1997) Institutional Interdependence : Capacity-enhancing Assistance for Intermediary NGOs in Sierra Leone and the Gambia, pp.589-96 in Journal of International Development, Vol. 9, No. 4 Jacobson, Ruth (1999) Complicating 'Complexity' : Integrating Gender into the Analysis of the Mozambican Conflict, pp.175-187 in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1, Special Issue on Complex Political Emergencies Lanzer, Toby (1996) The UN Department of Humanitarian Affairs in Angola : A Model for the Coordination of Humanitarian Assistance? SIDA, Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Uppsala Levine, I. (1996) Sudan : In Pursuit of Humanitarian Neutrality, Issues in Focus No. 1, UNDHA Geneva. Levine, I. (1997)Humanitarian Principles : The Southern Sudan Experience, Relief and Rehabilitation Network (RRN) Network Paper 21 Life & Peace Institute (1996) Comprehensive Report on Lessons-learned From United Nations Operation in Somalia : April 1992 - March 1995, Stockholm, Life & Peace Institute Sellstrom, Tor, and Lennart Wohlgemuth (1996) Historical Perspective : Some Explanatory Factors, Vol. 1 of The International Response to Conflict and Genocide : Lessons from the Rwanda Experience, Copenhagen, Steering Committee of the Joint Evaluation of Emergency Assistance to Rwanda, Copenhagen, DANIDA, 5 volumes Outram, Quentin (1999) Liberia : Roots and Fruits of the Emergency, pp.163-173 in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1, Special Issue on Complex Political Emergencies Pottier, Johan (1996) Relief and Repatriation : Views by Rwandan Refugees; lessons for humanitarian aid workers, pp.403-429 in African Affairs, Vol. 95, No. 380 Prendergast, John (1997) Crisis Response - Humanitarian Band-aids in Sudan and Somalia, London/Chicago, Pluto Press Rock, June (1999) Relief and Rehabilitation in Eritrea : Lessons and Issues, pp.129-142 in Third World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1, Special Issue on Complex Political Emergencies Scott, Colin (1995) Humanitarian Action and Security in Liberia 1989-1994, Occasional Paper No. 20, Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies Sesay, Max Ahmadu (1996) Politics and Society in Post-War Liberia, in Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 34, No. 3 Sommer, John G., and Refugee Policy Group (1994) Hope Restored? Humanitarian Aid in Somalia 1990-1994, Refugee Policy Group, Washington D.C. Storey, Andy (1997) Non-Neutral Humanitarianism : NGOs and the Rwanda Crisis, pp.384-394 in Development in Practice : an Oxfam Journal, Vol. 7, No. 4 Van Brabant, K. (1997) The Coordination of Humanitarian Conflict : The Case of Sri Lanka, Relief and Rehabilitation Network (RRN) Paper 23 Whitman, Jim, and David Pocock (eds) (1996) After Rwanda : The Coordination of United Nations Humanitarian Assistance, Macmillan World Food Programme, Executive Board (1996) Protracted Refugee and Displaced Person Projects Approved by the Executive Director : Assistance to Tuareg Refugees in Burkina Faso, Rome, WFP Zack-Williams, Alfred B. (1999) Sierra
Leone : The Political Economy of Civil War, 1991-98, pp.143-162 in Third
World Quarterly, Vol. 20, No. 1, Special Issue on Complex Political
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